THE New Zealand Herald SPECTEMUR AGENDO. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1874.

New Zealand Herald, Volume XI, Issue 3995, 1 September 1874, Page 2

THE New Zealand Herald SPECTEMUR AGENDO. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1874.

The Session just closed was in many respects eventful, and leaves larger unsettled questions in its train than any yet held in New Zealand. It began with a Government at the head of a united and overwhelming majority. It ends with the same Government at the head of a majority larger in numbers, but composed of new and discordant elements. A few weeks ago the policy of public works and immigration was the pivot on which all political actiou turned. New questions now overshadow it in public consideration, and will form the chief topics of discus-i'.-;: till the Assembly meets again. ForeuK.< r a:n> ;ng the events of the Session we arc disposed to place the resignation of Mr. OMiorke. It has come to be considered so much the correct thing for Ministries to mould their policy only to catch majority, that the conduct of a Minister who has strong convictions, and who proves the honesty with which they are held by resigning the emoluments of office, is a great and good example which cannot fail to strike a sympathetic chord in the public mind. In contrast to it we have the confession of tho Premier, lamenting that the concessions necessary to carry out the policy of IS7O had led to a waste of at least a million and a half 011 unwise or unnecessary railways. Perhaps it would havo been more correct to state them as concessions made to keep the Ministry in office, and as a result of the queer mingling of meekness and menace which has characterised the dealings of the Government with the Legislature for the last few years. Of that pecu'u:' :md personal policy we hope to have seen thu end. The new career 011 which Ministers have entered will bring greater principles into the foreground, and tiaow the merely pecuniary policy of a great, expenditure, with its attendant bribery and scrambling, into the shade.

The Session opened amidst unruffled political calm. The calm continued even after the financial statement, but was rudely broken by tlie now famous State Fore-its Bill. Tlie only peculiarity in tlie budget was the avowal that the railways would not be provincially charged, as originally intended, but be thrown on the ordinary revenue of the colony. Tlie State Forests Bill supplemented this policy by the proposal to allow to the General Government about two millions of acres of public land, which would be selected by tliera either from the indigenous bush of the colony or in positions suitable for planting now forests. The planting was to be paid for out of the coloniai revenue, and the proceeds were to be applied as a substitute for the existing sinking fund. This proposal eaused much animadversion and general discontent. It was unfair that the revenue of Auckland and other pro vine - -, should be used to plant the treeless wastes of richly-endowed Canterbury and Otago. They, on the other hand, objected to the principle of the land being taken even to a sma'l extent by the General Government, as_ the principle once admitted, the area might at any subsequent Session be extended. So the Bill was ultimately passed with the important proviso that land should only be used for tlie purpose when offered to the General Government 011 the motion of any Provincial Council. Out of it arose the resolutions to abolish Provincial Governments in the North Island, thus leaving their land at all events at the mercy of the General Government, and this formed the turning point of the Session, leading to a very decided new departure for the Ministry and for the country. O'Rorke's resignation, Macandrew's secession, and Stafford's submission, indicate the scope and character of the change thus initiated. The resolutions provided for the abolition of provinces in the North Island, for the solemn reconfirmation to Southern provinces of the monopoly of the land revenue, free from all share of the public burdens, and for the permanent establishment of the seat of Government in Wellington. Hereupon the Assembly rearranged itself. A powerful party of Centralists saw in the resolutions the thin end of the wedge. Independent members saw that they placed the colony at the feet of the Ministry, who might either carry them out in their integrity and take high ground as having pledged their faith to the principles they involved, or throw them over as the exigencies of iheirown positionmight dictate. Onuparty rested on the good faitli of the Ministry ; the other on the prospect that they would *;reat this solemn reconfirmation as so much chaff. Between these were members who held that such a position was undignified and dangerous, and would siap what remained of tlie purity of the Assembly, leaving it at the mercy of Ministers who were, however, strong enough for the moment to carry their resolutions by an overwhelming majority. The resolutions by themselves are so much waste paper. It will require not only a bill sanctioned by both Houses, but it will c Aso require an Act of the Imperial Parliament giving the Assembly power to legislate in this direction to give it effect. At present the Assembly lias power to alter or to amend the boundaries of pro\inces, but it has no power to abolish them, as we understand the law, unless it be by the indirect and objectionable means used to create the unworkable county of Westland, which was only last year formed into a province. It will be for tlie constituencies to consider the position during the recess and to say which course they approve. They may either insist on the abolition of Provincial Governments simultaneously throughout the colony, or they may accept the thin end of the wedge theory, and deprive the northern provinces «f their autonomy, in the hope that Ministers will break their pledged word and connive at similar treatment of the South.

I Tliis was tlie essential point in tlie Assembly ancl will be also, during tlie recess, among tlie people. Tlie position is. not a pleasant one nor satisfactory to those who believe in a frank and honest conduct of public affairs. It lias since baen further complicated by the refusal of the Upper House to pass the li ail ways Bill which provided, among other things, for the purchase by the General Government with money borrowed on security of the Customs revenue, of certain railways in Canterbury and Otago constructed by those provinces from provm- ' cial loans or land funds. Had this bill been carried, the provisoes in question would have bad their railways and a million and a half from loans to expend again ?.rx such maimer as they might think St. The Upper House did good service in rejecting such a proposal and we in the North owe them grateful thanks for their refusal. The political consequences in the present condition of affairs may however be important, as Otago especially, and to a certain extent Canterbury, will now be placed in the same boat with

ourselves and be made to feel what it is I to have the responsibility:' of maintaining ! all their internal institutions without anyother resource than direct taxation. They •will be made to feel the loss of their Customs revenue and the necessity of keeping down the expenditure of the General Government to which that loss is due. These we take to be the salient features of the Session just closed. Of the abortive Licensing Bill and of the complete silence on the long promised Educational Bill we merely take note inpassing. They are but trifles on the surface when contrasted with the deep undercurrent which is drifting us to new scenes and to new questions. What we desire more especially to keep before the public is the direction of the current, and the general position of affairs. The Colonial Government has no available revenue for any other than its own present and pressing needs. If it supersede Provincial Councils in the North Island it can only maintain local institutions by direct and special taxation. If it supersede tliem throughout the colony, then and then only, will the Assembly as a whole have a vital interest in keeping down the expenditure of the colony and in thus providing from the surplus colonial revenue something towards the cost of those indispensible institutions now supported by the provinces. This is the single great fact standing out prominently amid the vague hopes and vague statements of political parties. The lesson we read from it is exactly that which the sound instincts of the people drew from the onesided proposals so soon as they were made. Whether provincial institutions 1)5 strengthened and made effective or whether they bo abolished, the people of the colony must, I_ >e put into one boat. There must be among them only one interest and one feeling, and no single portion must, on any pretext, bo placed in a position inferior or invidious in itself — a position in which it will be legislated for and taxed by a small number of its own members and a large majority whose constituents will neither feel the burden of the taxation nor the effect of the laws they may think fit to impose. No casuistry, no vague hopes, no reliance on the good faitli or the ill-faith of any particular party, nor of any particular men, must be suffered to shake us from this position, nor to deprive us of the best, the wisest, and the safest of all reliances —the reliance on our own common sense and on ourselves as the only fitting judges of what- our interests, our self-respect, and our safety may require.

Parliament was prorogued yesterday by his Excellency Sir James Fergusson. The speech differed very little from the usual vice-regal utterances on such occasions. It thanked honorable councillors and gentlemen of the House of Representatives for the attention given to their- duties during a short and arduous session, and referred to this being the last occasion on which His Excellency would be permitted to address members in Parliament assembled. A very graceful compliment was paid by Sir James in return for the couivesy and consideration which had b-jsn shown him by all who had come i:a contact with him, whether in his private or official relations. His Excellency expressed the deep interest he felt in the welfare of so promising a community. He should always esteem it a duty no less than a privilege to serve its bests interests. Reference was next made to the measures which had come before both Houses. His Excellency spoke favourably of the results likely to follow upon the passing of the State Forests Bill, and regretted that the short term of the session did not admit of time to deal with the question of promoting commercial intercourse with Polynesia. After stating that the earnest attention of his advisers would be given to furthering public works, promoting immigration, and the establishment of the Californiaii mail service, His Excellency went on to state that the session would be memorable for the steps which had been taken in the direction of abolishing the North Island provinces. For some years past there had grown up a belief that the Provincial system in the North did not afford that amount of local Government people desired. His Excellency expressed a hope that the Provincial Go* vemments in the North Island, loyally recognising the decision of the House of Representatives, would during the recess exert themselves to so manage the affairs of their provinces as to enable the projected change to be effected with the least possible inconvenience. A formal congratulatory peroration as to a large prosperity and a contented population was not forgotten on the occasion.

A prorogation speech is always taken as an emanation from Ministers, for which a vice-regal representative scarcely holds himself responsible. If Ministers had made His Excellency say that he ■loped during the recess the people of the .Vorth Island would calmly discuss and consider the advisability or otherwise of adopting the policy contained in the Premier's abolition resolutions, it would h;ive come with much better grace. D. recting the electors to facilitate matters so as to give effect to depriving Auckland and the other provinces of legislating for themselves as they have done in the past, was just asking a little too much. It is not improbable that instead of offering the facilities asked, steps will be taken and very strong measures initiated for defeating the intention of Ministers as contained in their resolutions. The speech will, however, be accepted at its full value, but it is not likely to have any effect in altering or changing the opinions of the electors as to the amount of wrong or injustice tliey may consider themselves as likely to sustain by the action taken during the session now passed away.

The Hon. - Mr. Water-house has been permitted. to hold a prominent position in the Legislative Council during the present session, ami those who have taken the trouble to read his speeches will have observed with what infinite pains lie lias endeavoured to maintain his claim to it. The long debate in the Upper Chamber which followed the motion for the second reading of the Public Works and Immigration Loan Billshewed'to what extent Mr. Waterhouse had applied himself to facts and figures which went to prove how illusory were the figures quoted by the Hon. the Premier in the Assembly. Mr. Waterhouse and Mr. Yogcl differ as to the amount of colonial indebtedness. If figures bo fairly stated, there should be no more difficulty for any member in the " Lords" to inform himself on matters connected 'with the colonial indebtedness as any member in the "Commons." But this appears not to be the case. The amount of money owing when added up by members sitting in opposite benches in the two Chambers appears to differ in amount from four to seven millions, which " difference" tells considerably against the prosperity of the colony when this subduct becomes a. matter fir discussion. Mv. Vogel, it need scarcely l e reicerated, takes credit to himself for the present prosperity of the colony, due to the working out of his immigration and public works policy. Mr. Waterhouse has, however, endeavoured to shew from figures that despite our advance during the last four years, so far from being unprecedented, it lists absolutely been below that of other colonics who, in proportion to population, have a much smaller amount of indebtedness' to meet than

New Zealand. The following are' Mr. Waterhouse's figures: —In New 'Zealand during the four years from 1869 our revenue shewed an advance of 8 per cent., while last year, despite the enormous increase of taxation by the alteration of the tariff, the increase was only 40 per cent. In South Australia the increase during the four years has been 70 per cent. In New South Wales the increase was 50 per cent., as against cur S per cent., while last year, despite a reduction in Customs duties in New South Wales, the increase was 50 per cent., as compared with our 40 per cent, under increased taxation. In Queensland, the increase for the four years was 60 per cent., and last year 50 per cent., against our S and 40 per cent, respectively. In the Argentine Republic, the products of which resemble ours, the increase of revenue amounts to 50 per cent, against our paltry 8 per cent., and a similar result was shewn in Chili. These figures, for which the colony is indebted to the industry of Mr. Waterhouse, are derived from sources which we presume will not be disputed in point of accuracy, although we are quite ready to admit that nothing is easier than to make figures assume almost any shape and form that may be desired of them. The Premier says as much when referring to Mr. Wrterhouse's calculation, while Mr. Waterhouse says something very much stronger indeed when referring to that of the Premier.

One of the most absurd, pusillanimous, ancl inconsequential discussions took place a few evenings back in the Legislative Council, upon a resolution moved by ©oloncl Brett, equally silly, absurd, and inconsequential with the discussion itself. Upon the evening in question the hon. and gallant Colonel moved :—" 1. That with a view to meeting, so far as we may be able, the obligations of duty, and obeying the dictates of prudence, it is expedient that the Government should, without delay, secure for a period of five years the services of an experienced officer of the lloyal Engineers, having a small staff attached, to inspect the several ports of the colony, in older to recommend such defences against external attack as modern science demands and the circumstances of each may require ; and, further, to instruct a few wellselected men in the practical working of harbour defences. 2. That, with a view to efficiency in time of need, there should be immediately organised an Artillery, a Naval, and a Rifle Company at each port town, strictly limited in number, and composed only of men who have passed as thoroughly efficient, and are willing to submit implicitly to regulations regarding drill and exercise. 3. That while every encouragement should be given to efficient rifle associations and cadet drilling, no encouragement should be given to any further Volunteer military organisation." The Hon. Captain Fraser would give his hearty support to the third part of the resolution, but demurred to the rest. He was quite o jposed to having a standing army. Let the Council consider for a moment what would be the result of having such an army, | with Colonel Brett at the head of it! Neither life nor property would be safe. For the present, it would be unwise to do anything else than to disband the Volunteers, and organise a more efficient force. Then upstood the Hon. Mr. Scotland, who was glad to hear Colonel Brett making more temperate remarks than usual when speaking of the Volunteers. His principal objections to them seemed to be tlieir want of discipline and irregular attendance. These causes probably arose from the want of respect for and confidence in their officers on the part of the men. Men who had held military commands were not popular with Volunteers, as the men did not like to be spoken to by military men in the style the latter were accustomed to speak to men who were hired at thirteen - pence a day ; whereupon the Hon. Captain Fraser moved that the hon. gentleman's words should be taken down. The Hon. Mr. Scotland maintained that the Volunteers were superior to these hirelings. Captain Fraser asserted that such language was disreputable and ungentlemanly. To this the Hon. Mr. Scotland, for the first time in his life, had his language stigmatised as ungentlemanly. Captain Fraser hoped it would be the last. The Hon. Mr. Scotland, as an Englishman and a gentleman, had no hostile feeling whatever againsttließritisli army. Hehadalways stood up for tham when he had heard the soldiers reviled and slandered, and called cowards. At the same time the Volunteers and the Militia had earned the gratitude of the country. If their valour was ever put to the proof to meet a foreign enemy on these shores, they would prove themselves a credit to the name of Britons. The Hon. Mr. Mantell must render tribute to the British army ; it gave him more amusement and less instruction than any other he had ever come in contact with. (Laughter.) After giving some humorous instances of campaigning in the early wars of the colony, the hon. gentleman said if the previous question was carried, he would, 1 to use the excellent but somewhat poetical phrase of the hon. mover, be content to smoke the pipe of indifference in apparent security. He had only to remark further that they had hitherto had engineer and other officers, who had prepared elaborate reports, illustrated by lithographs, which would be of eminent service to any enemy that might come to our shores. Mr. Scotland observed that on reflection he was certain he had made use of a word in speaking of Her Majesty's troops that he ought not to have used, and therefore asked leave to withdraw it. The Hon. Captain Fraser : And I ask leave to withdraw any expression I have used towards the hon. gentleman. The Hon. Colonel Brett also asked leave to withdraw his motion. His object had been gained by the matter having been brought under the notice of the Government and the country. And here ended a most undignified debate upon a subject which from time to time has been discussed ad nauseam.

[ The notes of the native meetings on the East Coast are interesting, as shewing the feeling of the natives towards the Government. We assume that none will deny, not even the Native and Defence Minister himself, that Mr. McLean has been the constant and consistent friend of the native race. It would be a very mistaken notion to suppose any incompatibility between the interests of the Native and the European races as dealt with by this officer. Many of these notes read as if there was a tenderness to the native at the expense of the settler. We observe such expressions as these : "Perhaps we were both wrong." " Salutions tc you whom the pakelia has met in arms," and the like. These may be empty or real compliments, —flattery or the artifices of statecraft. Perhaps they are real forms of politeness which are properly understood on both sides. Whatever be the meaning or effect of them, it is but fair to say that the Native Minister never ceases to waru the natives against misrepresentations which are designed to mislead him. It is a very short-sighted policy to interpose possible or probable motives for this tenderness of bhe Maori temper. The experience of twenty years has disclosed this fact that there are only two courses left in dealing with native—either to subdue him thoroughly or to prolong his existence until it shall please himself to fall out of the list of extant aboriginal races. Either experiment is a matter of coat. Human life, as well as treasure, must be employed for the first experiment. The latter is an exhaustive experiment enough, but there is a stage of it when it becomes recuperative. It is undeniable, and this matter should be borne in mind, that the settlement of the North Island of New .'Zealand proceeded from the first according to a method which male the peace of the settler greatly dependent upon the sufferance of the native. Mr. McLean is not t? blame for this. He i.-' obliged to take fact-! as he finds then), and if he says that thi, maintenance of peace, though at considerable co'-it, is more advantageous than war with the Maori, who is a better judge?

J The Melbourne Argus of a recent date has !an article speculating upon the position of the Fiji's, and the probabilities of their annexation l>y, 01- cession to, the British Go-, i vernnient. The writer considers that the

reasons which, are likely to operate "with "the Some Government in accepting the unconditional cession of the Fijia, we presume, will be Imperial ones. In the first place, it will enable Great Britain more effectually to prevent the labour traffic in these seas from being transformed into a slave trade. Of this there was more than a danger, inasmuch as that trade had actually commenced. In the second place, the Islands would be valuable to the mother country as a naval station; and, thirdly, if England did not annex Fiji, some ether maritime power, desirous of obxdituig a footing, or of extending its dominion ia these seas, would not be slow to do so : and in view of the increasing magnitude of the British interests which are growing np in this part of the globe, such a contingency should be avoided if possible. It would be a disaster, the Argus thinks, to attempt to bestow a Constitutional form of Government on Fiji, and it is of opinion that if the Imperial Government should resolve upon the annexation of Fiji, it cannot do better than make it a Crown colony of the severest type, and place it under the control of an Laclian officer of proved capacity and experience, accustomed to the exercise of aathority over native tribes, and entrusted with the discretionary power essential to a governor so remote from the seat of Empire, and so liable to be' called upon at any moment to act with decision and firmness in wholly unexpected conjunctures. Such a ruler might not (continues the writer) be popular with the place-hunters inLevuka; but by the adoption of a firm and "Impartial policy, and by convincing thu indigenous population of the inflexible justice as well .as the irresistible power of the Government he represents, he would command their confidence and ensure the safety of the enterprising settlers, who ai-e risking their capital and their lives in developing the natural resources of the Islands.

There was a case tried before the District Court last week which is of some importance to country settlers. The case was not decided, because it was held that the action was bad in the form it was brought before the Court; it was therefore withdrawn. The point of it upon which we are about to remark will not affect the merits, should it be brought on again. The facts were shortly the following : A poundkeeper refused to give up certain cattle in his custody unless he was paid the amount of damages they had done as well as the pound fees. As the case did not proceed, it did not appear whether in point of fact he had any justification in making this demand, —that is to say, whether the person who was said to be injured by the alleged trespass of the cattle put upon him any obligation to make this demand ? But the real question suggested by this case is : What right has a poundkeeper, who is pro tanto a public officer, to demand damages ? His office is for the safe-keeping of the cattle until they are released by the owner. The release may or may not lead to the identification of the persons responsible for the trespass, but in any case it is not reasonable that the owner of the cattle should be responsible for an arbitrary assessment of damage, or the forfeiture of his proverty. Such would be the case if the poundkeeper was right in this particular instance. It is plain enough that some mears should exist to ascertain the ownership of the trespassing cattle, and the payment of the redemption fee comes very near a prima facie proof of that fact. If it be not so |in a law, it might be made so. But that a man should say to a poundkeeper, " Take these cattle ; they have done me damage to the extent of £50; do not give them up until £50 shall be paid to you over and above your fees," is clearly a right that cannot exist in law. The real action for damage is between the owner of the cattle trespassing and the owner of the property damaged. The poundkeeper, as a public officer, may be controlled by regulations which will facilitate the ends of justice as between the person wronged and the wrongdoer, but to empower him to do what was done in the case we refer to is to place lav, justice, and power in hands almost sure to abuse them.