WELLINGTON.

New Zealand Herald, Volume IV, Issue IV, 28 August 1867, Page 5

WELLINGTON.

(feom a special cohbeheondent.)

ri August 17. Ihe Government have gained a great victory, [ and now for the first time during this session they seem to be firmly established in their seats. All lovers of peace and order must be glad that it is so. It has been too much tho fashion to change the Ministry each session, and it is t.imn now that there should be an exception to this rule; the country suffers from these repeated changes in more ways than I can now spare tune to enumerate; but, looking around the House to the material from which a new Ministry would be constructed if the present Government were driven from office, it is a matter of great congratulation that the present men are permitted to go on ; but, while I admit this, I must say that they have shewed exceedingly bad generalship in the management of the House during the session. In some measure they deserve the repeated reverses they have met W their recent victory, and the opposition, no doubt, has tended to bring about a modification of their policy, which will, I think, make it more generally acceptable to tho country. No thanks, however, to the Opposition for this result. Their objects were patent to bystanders—the destruction of the Government, and tho installation of the leaders of tho attack in the coveted seats of power. But, to give your readers a view of the questions at issue, it is necessary to go back a few weeks and review events that have happened.

The first great fight of the session was commenced by the Otago members. They attacked the Governmentfornot delegatingthe Governor's powers under the Gold Fields' Act to Mr. Macandrew, the Superintendent of Otago, this being the first instance in which the Government had declined to delegate those powers to the Superintendent of a Province. The Government admitted that in all ordinary cases the delegation should bo. made to the Superintendent, but they asked the House to afErm tho statement that in exceptional cases, of which Mr. Macandrew's was one, they should not entrust those powers to the Superintendent. Mr. Macandrew's case is well known to your readers ; it is pretty fully discussed in the pages of Hansard, and the Government view of his case is well stated by Mr. Hall, the Postmaster-General, in an able speech. Shortly, I may say Mr. Macandrew has been been accused of appropriating the public monies of the Province of Otago to his own use. The charge has never been specifically denied, and I am afraid is too true, though Mr. Macandrew complains that he has been bitterly maligned. _ It is hard, however, to see how this can be, if he takes no steps to show his innocence, and he has been repeatedly challenged to do so—the last direct challenge having been given by the Postmaster-General, who pointedly challenged him to move for a committee of the House, and before the committee clear himself of the charges brought against him ; but up to the present time he is silent, and has not accepted the offer. The House sustained the Government view of the case, and upon the division they had a majority of four. The ayes upon this division affirmed that Mr. Macandrew wag a fit and proper person to receive the delegation of tho Governor's powers, and most novel arguments were used to prove it. The noes declared that he was not. You will see that the majority of the Auckland members, by tneir votes, affirmed their faith in* the Superintendent of Otago—Messrs. Haultain, Carleton, and Farmer, voted with the Government. Dame Rumour, however, says that several of the Auckland members voted with Mr. Macandrew much against their consciences. The members for the City East (Mr. Clark) and for the Northern Division (Mr. Macfarlane) are specially mentioned; but having made an agreement to vote with the majority of the Auckland men, they gave up their scruples to keep the compact, the morality of such a transaction those gentlemen must settle with their own consciences, and with their constituents, or any other court to which they consider themselves amenable. This arrangement, by which the minority voted with the majority, has, in some respects, been attended with advantage to Auckland, but has also been productive of evil in other quarters. Southern men are likely to resent such combinations, and if Auckland can combine in strength, the South may also do so in much greater strength. The pros and cons on such a question your readers are quite as well able to supply as your correspondent. To return to my narrative. Upon the main debate the Government taking up and maintaining their position, that Mr. Macandrew was unfit to be trusted with the Governor's powers, under the Gold Fields' Act, nevertheless admitted the desirability of having the management of the gold-fields under the Provincial Government, and hit upon an expedient which was accepted by the Otago party, namely, that the Governor's powers should be delegated to the Provincial Executive, for the time being—therebeing Responsible Government in Otago. This expedient had the advantage of working tho gold-fields through the agency of the Provincial Government, whilo it placed on the administration of them the check of review by the Provincial Council; but when the Government made the announcement to the House of their intention to do this, they did not clearly state their intention to introduce a clause to protect the judicial officers on the gold-fields, by placing their salaries under the care of the General Government. The object was plainly to prevent those gentlemen being sacrificed by the Provincial Government party, for the part they took in espousing the cause of the General Government during the quarrel. Now, the House upheld the Government in this. The feeling was general that the officers should be protected, but there was a regret felt that the Government had not more plainly stated their intention to insist upon this point in the bill they proposed to bring down. The otago party made the most of this omission. The Govern- j ment replied' that Mr. Richmond had mentioned the subject in the House during the debate as one that should be provided for in making the delegation, and Mr. Carleton bore out this statement by declaring that Mr. Richmond's statement carried his vote, and that, but for Mr. Richmond's statement, he would have voted against the Government. The truth is, Mr. Stafford, in speaking for the Government, altogether omitted the point. Mr. Richmond alluded to it, not as a Government proposition, but as a thing it was desirable or necessary for the House to make provision for. There was a looseness about the management that the Government were much to blame for ; on general grounds, however, the Government were undoubtedly right, but they erred in omitting to make the terms of the arrangement clear at the time it was made. The Otago men have erred in their stubborn and dogged obstinacy. The Government made concessions before they achieved their victory, but until Otago saw it was beaten there was no sign of concession or offer to meet the Government; in fact, during the debate upon the bill brought in by the Government for conferring these powers upon the Provincial Executive, it became quite plain that the Houso was growing tired of the Otago question, and the obstinacy of the Otago men very much damaged their cause. The debate was not a very brilliant one. Mr. Vogel, the leader of the Otago party, did not display his usual ability ; he spoke like a man who had a losing game in hand, nor did any speaker on his side of the question make any impression on the House. Mr. Bell spoke at some length, but his speech was admitted on all sides to be one of the worst and most inconsistent he had ever made; this' is saying a good deal, for Mr. Bell is sometimes a very effective speaker, very often inconsistent, but upon this occasion he was more so than usual. All the speakers on the Otago side seemed to feel that they were fighting for nothing, while the Government party replied promptly and well. The gem of

the evening was undoubtedly the dramatic speech of the treasurer, Mr. Fitzherbert. ihe House had become thoroughly tired of the question, and were vexed with the Otago members for their obstinacy in refusing the conces- ! sions made by the Government. The debate was ' drawing to a close when Mr. Haughton, one of : the Gold-fields members, rose and denied some ■ statements made by Mr. Bell as to the existence ; of the excitement upon the gold-fields. Mr. Bell explained that lie had not referred to the fold-fields, though everyone understood that he ad. Mr. Haughton then went on to charge Mr. Vogel and the Executive Government of the_ Province with the responsibility for any excitement that existed in Otago, and stated that it was very much overrated, and finally charged Mr. Vogel and the Provincial Executive with great injustice in dealing with some officers of the Provincial Government, who were summarily dismissed by agents of the Provincial Executive. Mr. Vogel rose several times during Mr. Haughton's remarkable speech, but never answered the charges made. The House felt this, and Mr. Eitzlierbert, seeing the opportunity, rose again, put"the charges clearly before the House, and commented strongly on the fact that Mr. Vogel had not made any satisfactory reply to these " grave accusations," arguing therefrom an increased necessity for the House to assist the Government in protecting the officers, from the spite of the Executive Government of Otago. He then went on to show the real question at issue. The Otago men said that riot, confusion, and bloodshed in the Province would most certainly come about there, unless the powers they sought were delegated to them as they wished to have them ; that they would not have the delegation if the officers were protected as proposed by the Government. Here, then, was the case on one side—ruin, dis-

order, and bloodshed in Otago. On the other side of the balance, a fancied insult to the Executive of Otago. What was their election ? Why, said Mr. Fitzherbert, bringing up the argument to a splendid climax in a House breathless -with excitement, " Perish. Otago, but save our tliin skins !" All felt that the debate was closed. Otago saw the game was lost, and an _ effort was made to obtain a compromise which they had indignantly rejected before; but the Government were firm. It was quite understood out of doors that the Auckland men would vote with the Government. They had met on the Saturday previous to the debate; they had considered the question that was to be decided, and they had agreed to support the bill and the Government on the particular clause under discussion in the debate. But towards the hour of the division rumours were afloat that the nature of the compact Mr. Williamson had made with Mr. Macandrew would not admit of his breaking with that gentleman —that he felt more bound to Mr. Macandrew and his party than he did to his own colleagues—that, in fact, he (Mr. Williamson) was going to break faith with his own party in order to vote with Messrs. Yogel, Macandrew, and others, though the effect of that vote would be to put the Government out. The Auckland men could not believe it, but the division list shewed that it - was, unfortunately, too true, and that Mr. O'Rorke, Mr. Heaphy, Mr. Hull, and Mr. Dignan followed Mr. Williamson's lead in this direction. It is exceedingly difficult to see how such conduct can be excused, seeing that an explicit agreement was made between all the Auckland members to support the Government on this very question in which the division took place, and that there was no subsequent intimation given of an intention to withdrawn from this engagement. It seems as if the compact to vote together was to bind one section of the Auckland men to go in one direction, but not to bind the other section when the majority wished a different course taken. I need scarcely say the Auckland men who kept faith with each other are very angry with those who voted against them, but are not sorry that the sham compact has now been disclosed. The division list you have already published. From this you will see that the Government is now very strong, and unless there are objectionable proposals in their financial statement, you may consider their position established, and the business of the session will soon be over. August 21. Since my last, written on the 17th, no questions of importance have come before the House save the consideration of a bill introduced by Mr. McLean, the Superintendent of Hawke's Bay, to give the natives of New Zealand four members in the House of Eepresentatives, three for the North Island and one for the Middle Island. The bill has been well received, and will probably pass the Lower House. I don t t.liinV it will pass through the " Lords." There the Middle Island party is very strong, and they don't like the idea of giving more members to the North Island, no matter how just the claim, and no matter how hard upon the natives the refusal. On the one hand, the Maori is to be subject to English law and taxation, but these gentlemen _ refuse him representation unless achieved in. their own way. Mr. McLean put the case forcibly and ably, and his speech was highly spoken of by all the speakers in the debate which followed. The only voice really raised against the bill was that of Mr. Mooihouse, who said he would oppose the bill for political reasons, meaning thereby an objection to increasing the representation of the North Island. When he was taunted with having proposed a similar measure some years ago, he said no would withdraw hisopposition if' Mr. McLean would confine the choice of representatives to Maoris; this question is to be settled in committee to-night. The other question affecting the North Island was the proposal of the Government to form an Armed Police Force for the A orth Island. I believe the force is to consist of 350 men, and the cost will be under £40,000 per anuum. This proposal was met by the opposition of Mr. George Graham, the eccentric member for Newton. He did not like it; the Maories could not be governed by such means, the usual and well known arguments put forward by this gentleman were urged upon this occasion. Jlere then there was another opportunity for the allies of Auckland, the Otago men, to shew their colors. They had been unfaithful to their friends when the Kepresentation Act came on ; they all voted against Auckland getting two more members, but | since that their Auckland allies, Messrs. ■ Williamson, Heaphy, Dignan, O fiorke and Hull, had shown their devotion to Otago by voting with it against a majority of their own colleagues. Surely now " one good turn deserves another," and Messrs. Macandrew, Burns, &c., would go with Auckland. But, no! the out-and-out Middle Island selfishness prevailed, and these gentlemTn declared their intention to vote against the bill unless the funds to maintain the force came out of the Provincial chests of tli6 North. Island Provinces! There is in the Middle Island a strong party who are willing to look fairly at the claims of of the North Island, a party who do not deny that the native question is a colonial question, and that the colony is bound to undertake the defence of the North Island. There is another party represented by Mr. Moorhouse, the eccentric Superintendent of Canterbury, and now joined by Mr. Macandrew and -others, profoundly selfish and unjust, who, though Eossessed of the exclusive benefit oE a rich ineritance worth millions of money in the shape of land fund purchased from the North for a mess of pottage, are putting forth their greatest efforts to withdraw the Middle Island from all obligation to contribute to defend the Northern Island settlers. I a* writing grave and sober truth. This party are doing their best to charge upon the North Island all the expenditure connected with the management of the natives and with defence. The magnificent talk aboat

self-reliance, indulged in. by Mr. Weld and hi" school, and to which these Southern gentlemen hare pledged themselves, amounts to this, that they will not, if they can prevent it, allow one shilling of colonial money to be spent in defending the Northern settlers from native aggression, nor in the management of native affairs. If you want colonial troops, or an armed police, or any other force, even to the militia force, it must be made a charge upon the Province in which the force is required to be used! This is the noble position taken by these magnanimous statesmen after the loud professions they have made, "and after insulting tlie Imperial Government by repeated demands of withdrawal of the Imperial troops, they undertaking to supply, the requirements of the country by a colonial force. Mr. "Weld's" colonial army was to consist of fifteen hundred men, and it was generally supposed that this force would cost the colony about £200,000 ; the party I have been referring to refuse now to vote for a bill to provide an armed constabulary of three hundred and fifty men, unless the Provinces in which this force is to be stationed- furnish the cash required o maintain it. (FBOJI OUR OWN CORBESPOJVDBNT.) August 23." The great event—the grand climactric of every Parliamentary saedilium in every country and people, came off last evening, when Mr. Fitzherbert brought down his " budget," and scattered the substantial, but highly figurative, facts before an attentive audience. " I send you a full report. Most of yourreaders are familiar with the elderly and rustic person who always takes bis position at that door of the House of Commons which leads to the Stranger's Gallery, his greatcoat pockets filled with a well-aired nightcap, and victuals. A financial statement is the " one thing" in which everybody takes an interest. The eloquence of Mr. Gladstone and Mr. Disraeli has made a very dry subject fashionable of late.- I cannot say that Mr. Fitzherbert compares very favourably with either of those eminent persons, but he has, nevertheless, very striking characteristics of his own. He is one of those speakers who gain upon your esteem the oftener he speaks, although you may have very wide grounds of difference from those which he occupies. "He has the merit of being a very positive reasoner—a quality in liis speeches ivhieh, if not favourable to subtle inference is at least assuring to the hearers. I listened last night for rather more than five Hours with the 'greatest interest to the financial statement. The hon. gentleman gave a series of tables, evidently compiled with great care, showing the elasticity of the resources of the colony. He was sanguine as to the future. The most important statements were that the Government were not prepared to put on more taxation, and that the finances of the colony did not admit of any reduction during the present year. Another important statement was that the whole colony should take Upon itself the responsibility of providing for the permanent peace of the country. Auckland gets rid of her allocated charges, confiscated lands are to be handed over tD Provinces. Three years is the time limited for Provinces to come within the arrangements for loans' consolidation arrangement. The thing is to be arranged, of course, " upon terms."

The Treasurer spoke from half-past seven in the evening until half-past one the next morning, there being only an intermission of twenty minutes for refreshment. He convulsed the House by telling it that they had obtained £3,000,000 of public money more than they were entitled to, and that for a long time the customs' revenues of the North maintained the South in a condition of respectability. That amount coincided exactly with the sum borrowed on account of the war in the North, and the South was very fond of telling the North what obligations it was under, to what the Treasurer called, but what most people here declare "upstart" wealth. Some of the assaults upon the Opposition were stinging and felicitous. The imperturbable humour of the speaker produced explosions of laughter. One of the best things I have seen in this way was the manner of winding up his reply. After talking about millions and_ hundreds of thousands, he approached the chair with an air of mysterious implication, aud proposed " That a sum not exceeding five thousand pounds should be put on the supplementary estimates, towards the suitable reception of H.R.H. the Duke of Edinburgh." The diversion from the prosy details of anxious finance to the brightness of prospective festivity was too sudden for the equanimity of the House, who greeted the Hon. Treasurer as he sat dp wn with peals of laughter and cheers. The only mind in the Housethatwas not moved was that of the hon. member for Dunedin, who thought by voting for the £5000 he would be entrapped into an approval of the Treasurer's scheme, and moved as an amendment," That the committee do report progress." There were loud cries of "Question." The hon. member said he would stand there till daylight, and cited an instance of his in that way at an Otago public meeting, .again there rose loud cries of " Question " and " Divide." The hon. member took out his watch, and looked calmly on tlie full liouse of ton. questioners. Again arose loud cries of " Divide.' M.r. Carleton had to tell the hon. member, who did not know the usage of the House, that it was the practice to take a vote upon some undebateable item at the close of a financial statement. Mr. Keynolds was re-assured, and the House adjourned at lialf-past one o'clock in the morning.