The New Zealand Herald. AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 1867.

New Zealand Herald, Volume IV, Issue 1075, 25 April 1867, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald.

AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, APRIL 25, 1867.

SI'ECTEMUR AGENDO. " Give every man tliino ear, hut few thy voice : Take each mail's oensuro, but reserve thy juilftmtir.t This above all,—To thine cwn self be true And it must follow, as tho niijht the day, Then can at net then be false to any man."

Patcltamektary reform and Fenianism were tlie two topics of absorbing interest in the United Kingdom at tlie date of the departure from thence of tho last mail. The first-mentioned subject will doubtless occupy the attention of the country and of Parliament for somo time. The English Constitution is a most complex and unsymmetrical machine, which has, nevertheless, done a most: important work in a manner that has commanded general admiration. It is however, most clilHcult to extend tho power of that machine, and to embrace within its active political operations a largely increased number of people. Weiv it the desire of those who now wield political power simply to increase the number of voters, there would be no dillieulty at all upon the subject. Rcducc tho present qualification, and the Grordian kuot is at once cut, but such a reduction would admit exclusively one class, and so disturb the balance of the present class legislation. The great dillieulty is to arrive at that happy mean by which tho piescnt unrepresented or insuiliciently-rcprcsented classes can have their fair share of political inlluence without disturbing the general idea of each distinct class of the community having a share, but not a preponderating share, of political power. In times past the higher classes, the aristocracy and landed gentry, had all but exclusivo privileges. Tlie Reform Bill of 1832 for ever put an end to that state of things, and admitted the middle, manufacturing, and commercial classes, to political power, and also, to some extent, the upper portion of tho working classes. The present movement will, doubtless, succeed in giving the elective franchise to a considerable number of working men, though not in that wholesale and indiscriminate manner which the representatives of household suffrage require. Whatever, therefore, may be the precise qualification fixed upon, it is quito certain that the doors of the Constitution will be widened so as to admit a large number of persons who are now excluded from participating in tho enjoyment of political power. While democracy is evidently advancing, there is a determination among the vast majority of the present members of Parliament not to allow it to rush madly onward, and, sweeping all before it, to rule tho country after the most approved Ti'ades' Union fashion. Should a Reform Bill bo passed which will be satisfactory to all but the most violent agitators, the great standing cry of the "Whig party will bo 110 longer available for them. The Liberal party has traded on reform for years, kept it as an excellent standing ground when out of office for attacking tho Tories, and always managed never to pass a reform bill when they were themselves in office. Tho fact is there has been a great deal of hypocrisy about reform. Men were foi'ced to utter the desire for reform with their lips, but their heart and conscience did not desire it.

Fenianism is evidently a kind of fever that lias infected a largo party of the Irish. Many causes liavo conspired to breed discontent in the Irisli mind. Putting asido the traditionary feelings of hatred against tho Saxon, and revenge for real or imaginary wrongs, which have been handed down for some generations, there seems a feeling in the Irish mind very much akin to that which tho French people display, that of ever looking to Government as tho cause of every evil, and as the power to give individual and general prosperity. Those great and general laws which work unerringly and unremittingly are not soizecl, apprehended, and dwelt upon. A population which increases very rapidly cannot find remunerative employment on the laud, and that land cannot be extended to make room for the people. Emigration relieved tho pressure to a very great degree indeed, and added largely to the comforts of those remaining by increasing the rate of wages very considerably without increasing the cost of living. Education and emigration 'were both doing a- most importaut work, and if the American war had not given birth to Fenianism, the good work would have continued uninterrupted. Fenianism is the result of the great struggle in America. The Irish, who i are always ready to join the ranks and to fight with their accustomed bravery in any '

cause tliey espouse, formed a Large portion of the North American army. Thrown out of military employment by the conclusion of tlie war, they have centred tlieir energies in tlie Fenian cause, and have madly fancied they could wrest Ireland from England. Bringing the energy of the Yankee to the natural and disaffected feelings of vast numbers of the peasant population of Ireland, they found there a mine that only required tlie"application of the spark to cause it to explode. But a more hopeless causo was never engaged in. The entire of the landed gentry and aristocracy, the mercantile and the professional classes are wholly opposed to the movement, and so arc the Eoman Catholic bishops. As one of tho latter justly told his congregation in Chapel, while one class gave money, and another spent it in luxurious living in foreign capitals, the poor duped Irish peasant who rose in rebellion against tlie Government would himself pay the heavy penalty of his crime. While imprisonment or death would be his inevitable fate, a glorious life in the large cities of America and Europe is the portion of tlie instigators of tlio robelliou. Ths only two rliat can now be raised for re' u ' caH of grievances are l o-i'urcii establishment and tenant it. Wrongs in the past, there haye been niuj-v, jyiu>W ; the wrongs of tlie present arc indeed piircty imaginary. The Soman Catholic priesthood, for instance, declare they do not want the endowments of the established Church. The peasantry care very little indeed about that question. AVith respect to tenant riglit, the difficulties connected with it arc removed by a mutual understanding between landlord and tenant in Ulster, and there is nothing than need prevent this from being extended to the other three provinces of Ireland, except that which is to be found in the landlords and tenants. There is no law, no legislative enactment which prevents Munster, Leinstcr, and C'onuaught doing what Ulster does. And there is no tenant-right law in England or Scotland. But yet, if a law that would bo equitable to both parties could be passed, there is no doubt but that it would be highly expedient, and therefore very wise, to pass such a law.

Of one thing, however, we may bo quite certain, that should tlio Irish peasantry rise in arms in large numbers against the Grovernlnent, there will be severe punishment meted out to them, and should the Irish, whether the English or American Irish, really attempt to seize towns in England, that bitterness of feeling will spring up which a war of races always calls into existence. \\ r c trust, however, that the Irish peasantry will follow the advice of their bishops, and ccase to put themselves in situations of extreme danger and peril at the call of designing and infatuated men. Ireland, like New Zealand, requires profound peacc and repose, that life and property may bo felt to be secure, and that capital may thus flow into it to develope its magnificent resources.