The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, MONDAY, APRIL 1, 1867.

New Zealand Herald, Volume IV, Issue 1054, 1 April 1867, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald

AUCKLAND, MONDAY, APRIL 1, 1867.

SPECTEMUB. AGENDO. " Give every man thine ear, but few thy voice : Take er.ch man's ccnsuro, but roservo thy judgment Tills atove all, —To thine own self be truo And it must follow, as the the day, Tljou oan*t not then "he fatso to any man."

The colonists of New Zealand, believing as they do, that native wars have been caused by Imperial officers and Imperial policy, have pretty unanimously come to the conclusion that real responsibility :*,'nd power without Imperial troops, will bo a vast deal more beneficial to them than Imperial aid coupled with Imperial interference. And this feeling, which sees in the departure of British troops a chance of future peace and progress, is not dictated by any want of gratitude for Imperial assistance rendered to us. When the whole question is looked at in a broad and comprehensive light, and by the results of experience, we cannot but see that it will be better that we should have full power to deal with the native question, and be left to ourselves to settle it as best we mav. The constitutional advisers, however, of the Grovcrnor, must have a real and not a mere illusory power, lie is an Imperial officer. If he is to control native affairs, and through any of his measures plunge us into war, or paralyze our arms at the moment of victory by ill-judged pacific measures, then Great Britain must see that we are unfairly and unjustly, dealt with. If the parliament of England will not pay for a New Zealand war, neither the Parliament, nor the Government of England must create New Zealand wars, directly or indirectly. The troops are rapidly leaving us. The colom r , will not prevent the last soldier from leaving these Islands, the people have taxed themselves highly to pay their war debt, but it must not be in the power of the Imperial Government to plunge us iuto war, to increase our Avar debt and war taxation. Our difficulties are quite serious enough without this, and it is only the sterling integrity and honesty of the character of the colonists, and their determination to bear and sullen' to the utmost rather than succumb under trials and difficulties that has made us bear great sacrifices, to keep untarnished ourpublic credit and character. Both the people and Government of Great Britain, if the position in which we are placed be duly considered, must now clearly perceive that we are not the vile land-sharks they imagined us. And they must also see the fairness and justice of our demand for full control of our own affairs, a real and not a nominal control. In fact the time has clearly come when the representative of the Imperial Government here, must act as a Constitutional monarch. The practice now obtaiued so long in England between Parliament and Sovereign must be inaugurated here, and that vague term, "Imperial interests," must cease to be an excuse for Imperialaiul disastrous med-

dling. That there can be no dauger to Maori or to Imperial interests from pursuing such a course is quite certain. The Government of this country has instituted Courts of law to investigate native title to land. There are also Compensation Courts to adjudicate upon claims to confiscated land, and European law forms have to be adhered to, although it is perfectly clear that by doing so, Maori proof of ownership being at the same time recognised, the natives have recovered thousands of acres which might justly have been forfeited. The cases of this kind arc notorious and occur every day these Courts sit. As to Europeans taking native land without paying for it in the regular manner according to the popular idea in England, this can no more be done iu New Zealand, than could the broad acres of an English landowner be taken from him without purchase and payment.

If we loolc for further arguments for conceding, the substance and not merely the shadow of power to the parliament of the country, we see it in tlie fact that the European and native inhabitants of the northern part of this land have long lived in perfect terms of amity and goodwill. The individualisationof the titles among natives is also acting as political leaven, and already showing signs of activity among the Maories. They arc now beginning to take a part in the general politics of the province. A number of chiefs have signed and sent a requisition to Mr. John Williamson, asking him to come forward as a candidate to the Superintcndency. They will thus raise themselves in their own esteem, by having political power. The old tribal power of the chiefs is fading away. It is natural they should have feelings in regard to this ; but by seeing they cau unite with the Palceha in placing Provincial chiefs in power, a new class of feeling may be aroused which may be fraught with the most important consequences. We shall thus have legislatures elected by the joint suflVa£?s of Maori-arid white men, the two races will become more immediately united, the expression of the joint opinicn of both races will thus be ascertainable and easily expressed, and legislation will then cease to be one-sj'ded'its character, and to be based, as it now on the fallacy that the Maori requires a .strong- hedge of protection about him in every possible way.

This protection has been his ruin. It is? now most injurious to both race.?- There requires not the slightest exceptional legislation on behalf of the Maori. At present, however, he is protected among other ways, by Act of Parliament, in the sale of his land. He owns hundreds of thousands of acres that neither he nor his descendants will ever use, but the law protects his interests, as is vainly thought, and places land in a diflerent category to auy other property. In selling the fruits of the earth the Maori has free trade, when he comes to sell the land itself ne is protected in a most injurious manner. The doctrine of Maori protection is as injurious as was ever the same doctrine applied in any manner in the old world. Ho is ii British siibjcct, but yet he lias not the rights of one, nor he cannot sell one portion of his property except according to regulations laid down for his advantage by government, but which are injurious alike to him and tjie colonists. And the same protection is quite a farce in respect to one article which he is not permitted to purchase. It is sought to make the Maori sober by Act

of Parliament. He is protected from theevil influence of intoxicating liquor, and tlie law will not allow him to get any. But yet lie is seen intoxicated. He does get tipsy in spite of the protecting law, in fact he perhaps gets tipsy sometime,? because of the law, for he probably often gets a bottle of rum in spite of the law, when if the law did not interfere in his behalf he might be content with <a glass. Now the common sense of the colonists would soon clear away these obnoxious laws, and by ceasing to vainly attempt to protect the "Maori by exceptional legislation, leave the relations between the European and Natives to run their ordinary course, and place the latter on the same platform as the former. All these questions will have to be discussed and settled. If those people are the best governed who are the least governed, and if the converse of the proposition be true, then the inhabitants of this colony, including both races, are very badly governed indeed. The woi'k of modern law-makers it lias been noticed is principally to repeal the laws made by their predecessors, and allow trade, commerce and persons to be free and to follow their own natural course without governmental interference. But this is not quite the case with us for we have ten different governments, niue Provincial and one General. Now, each oi: these ten different governments are constantly passing now laws for the government of the people. "We are over-governed, and it must be our duty to decrease the exteut oi this governmental machine, and no longer employ elephants to draw go-carts, or steam hammers to crush flics.

The election of a Superintendent for this Province, in the place of Mr. AVhilaker, resigned, will doubtless cause these questions to be considered. Tlie shoe is pinching rather severely, and the wearers now feel compelled to examine into the matter. Depressed trade in town makes merchants and tradesmen to think something of questions to which they have hitherto paid little attention ; and the rules applied by individuals to their own cases in such circumstances, must be applied by our Governments, they must retrench. Hence retrenchment and reform arc our great watchwords at this present election. The pruning knife must be unsparingly applied, and brandies which arc not fruit-bearing must be cut off.

"We arc certainly now in a transition state. The military settler schemc for the "Waikato has been a failure, so far as the settlement part of the business is concerned, comparatively few of the men remaining ou their land. But tlie evil of this is already iu the course of mitigation, and as the matter now stands, those who should have been settlers, but who arc not become such, have sold the land to which they are entitled, and iu many cases the new purchasers will become bona fide settlers, introduce capital and industry in the country, and prosperity will assuredly follow. The most competent judges are well pleased with the land : it is easily brought under cultivation, and the yield of Crops, root and grass especially, is everything that can be desired by the most sanguine. Where idle, dissipated men would starve, even when aided from the public purse, and having their land free, others will purchase land and make good profit out of their cultivation of it. The little that has been done in various districts of the TVaikato with soils of different character, affords ample proof of the fertility of the soil, and of the flocks and herds which will very shortly be depasturing upon its liills and plains. The supply of wool by this Province will, each year, be largely increased.