LETTER OF J. WILKES BOOTH.

New Zealand Herald, Volume II, Issue 532, 27 July 1865, Page 5

LETTER OF J. WILKES BOOTH.

Slowly, but surely, the sensible people of all shades of opinion on American matters are removing from their minds the suspicion that the assassination ol' Lincoln was other than tho individual act of iiooth and a few more associates, whom, by the magnetism of a strong will, he had drawn into the plot. 11l a letter written by the assassin in jS T ovember last, aiul left sealed and for safe-keeping in the custody of his brother-in-law —a Mr. Jojm S. Clarke, and not opeued by that gentleman until after tho murder —Booth declares himself the enemy of Mr. Lincoln's policy, and the friend of the South and of peace, and states that the Federal flag seems to his eyes the emblem of tyranny and wrong, and its once bright red stripes " blood}'' gashes on the face of Heaven." He also hints vaguely at some great purpose which he has in view, and signs himself uJ. Wilkes Booth, a

'•Confederate doing duty upon his own respon- '• sibility." So far from the bloody deed being in any way acceptable to the people of the the South, or to those of the iXortli, who desire the triumph of the Southern cause, it has been by none denounced with more earnestness of horror thau by the people of Richmond and other captured cities, and as far as is known by the whole opinion of the South. We publish elsewhere the protest against it made by Col. Hawkins, on behalf of the Confederate prisoners in the iXorth :—

The following letter from Wiikes Booth has been discovered, It wis dmr (loss written some time in the month of January list, an 1 i-arofully scaled lip in an envelope, directed thus—"J. Wilkes Uooth." This package Uooth left with his brother-in-law, Mr. J. S. Clarke, a resident of Philadelphia, asking Mr. Clarke to take good care of it, as it contained valuable oil stocks and bonds. The envelop; has remained since January, with Mr. Clarke, unopened, until the fearful tragedy had o curredin Washington. The brother-in-law of Booth thon opened the package, in which lio found some United States bonds, oil stocks, and this letter. Mr. Clarke gave the letter to United States' Marshal Millward who furnished a copy to the PkilmMjtfiia Pirns. It is as follows :— , ISGk " My dear Sir, —You mar use this as you think best. Rut as some may wish to know when, who, and why, and as I know not how to direct, I give it (in the words of your master), " 1 To whom it may concern.' " Right or wrong, God judge m->, not man. For he my motive Rood or bad, of one tiling lam sure the la-ting condemnation of the North.

" I love peace more than lile. Have loved the Union beyond expression. For four Tears have I waiied, hoped, an 1 tiiayed for the dark clouds to bivak, and fur a rest ira( ion of our former sunshine. To V'";u! lunger woul ibea ci ini''. All hope for peace is do id. Mv prayers have proved aH idle as mv hopes. God's will be done. 1 go to sec and sharj tho bitter end.

'• I have ever held the Son'h were right. The very nomination' of Abraham ..incoln four years ago, spike plainly war—war upon Southern rights and institutions. His election proved it. ' Await an overt act.' Yes, till yon are bound and plundered. What folly 1 The South were wise. Who thinks of argument or pitience when the finder of his enemy pressor on the trigger:' In a foreign war, I, too, could say, 'Country, right wrong.' Hut in a struggle such us ours (whero tiie brother tries to pierce thu brother's heart), for God's sake choose the right. When ,1 country like this spurns justice from her ride she forfeits the allegiance of ever}- honest freeman, nnd should leave him untrammelled by any l'ealty soever to act as his conscience may approve. "People of the North, to hate tyranny, to lovo liberty a"d ju-ticc, to strike at wrong and oppression was tho teaching of our fathers. The study of our early history will not let me forget, and may it never.

"This country was formed for the white, and not for the black man ; and looking upon African slavery from the same standpoint held by the noble framers o; our Constitution I, for one, have considered it one of tho greatest blessings, both for themselves and us, that God ever bestowed upon a favoured nation. Witness heretofore our wealth and power; \vitncs3 their elevation and enlightenment, above their race elsewhere. I have lived among it. most of my life and have s»en less harsh treatment from master to man than 1 have beheld in too North from father to son. Yet, Jicaven knows, no one would be more willing to do moro for the negro than I, could I but sec a way to still better th-ir condition. '' i3ut Lincoln s policy is only preparing a way for their tot il annihilation. The Bouth arc not, nor have they been, lighting for the continuance of slavery. Tho first battle of Bull Run did away with that idea Their causes since for war have been as noble and greater far than those that urged our fathers on. should we allow they "were wrong at the beginning of this contest, cruelty and injustice have made the wrong become the right, and they stand now (before the wonder and admiration of tho world) as a noble band of patriotic heroes. Hereafter, reading of their deeds, Thcrmopvhc will be forgotten.

" When I aided in the capture and execution of John Brown (who was ;i murderer on onr Western border, and who was fairly tried and convicted before an impartial judge and jury ol treason, und who. by the way, lias since been made a god), J wad proud of my little share in the transaction, for I deemed ifc my duty, and that I waa helping our common country to perform an act of justice, But what wag a crime in poor John Brown is now considered (by themselves) us the greatest and only virtue in the Republican. party. Strange transmigration! Vice lo become a virtue simply because more indulge in it. "I though', tliL'ji, lis now, that the Abolitionists were till) only traitors in the land, und that tile entire party deserved the same fate as poor old Brown, not because they wish to abolish slavery, but on account of the means they have ever endeavoured to use to cflect that abolition. 1 f Drown were living- I doubt whether he himself would set slavery against the Union. Most or many in the North d O , and openly curse the Union, if the South aro to return aud retain a siuglo right guaranteed to them by every tie which we once revered us sacred. The South cuu make no choice. It is eitlu-r extermination or alavorr for themselves (worse than death) to draw from. I know my choice.

I have als') studied hard to discover upon what ground the right ot a Stute to secede has been denied, when our very name, United Mutes, and the Declaration et Independcn e, both provide for secession. But there is time for words. I write in haste. I know how foolish T shall be deemed for undertaking ouch a .step as this where, on the one side, I have many friends and everything to mako me happv, where my protession alone has gained mo an income ot more than <20,000 a year, and where my „reat personal ambition in my profession has such a °rcat lo L r kbour - On th« other hand, the South have never bestowed upon me one kind word ; a place now where I have no iriends, except boneath tho sod : "v? whcl '° 4 U3us . t cither a private soldier 01 a beggar. To give up all of the former for the

lattor, besides my mother and sisters, whom I love so dearly (although they so widely differ with me, in opinion), seoms insano; but Gtod is my judge. I lovtt justico more than I.do a country that disowns it, more than fame and wealth, more (Heaven pardon mo if wrong) tlrin a happy home. I have novorbeen upon n battlefield, but oh.' my countrymen, could you all but see the reality or effects of this horrid war, as I have seen them in every state save Virginia, T know you would think like mo, and pray the Almighty to create in tho Northern mind a sense of ri<;ht and justico (oven should it possess no seasoning of mercy) and that Ho would dry up the sea of blood between us which is d>iily growing wider. Alas ! poor country, is she to meet her threatened doom ? Four years ago I would have given a thousand lives to see her remain as I have always known her —powerful and unbroken. And even now I would hold my life as naught to see her what she was. O ! my friends, if the tearful scenes of the past four years never had been en icte.l, or if what has been had been but a frightful dream from which wo could now awake, with what overtlowing hearts could we bless our God and pray for his continued favour! Howl have loved the old flag can never now be known. A few years since and tho entire world could boast of none so pure and spotless Hut I have of late been seeing and hearing of the b'o.jdy deeds of which she has been made tho emblem, and would shudder to think how changed she had grown. Oh! how I hare longed to see her break from the mist of blood and death that circles round her folds, spoiling her beauty and tarnishing her honour. But no ; day by day lias she been dragged deeper and deeper into cruclty and oppression, till now (in my eyes) her once bright red stripes look like bloody {'.ashes 011 tho face of heaven. I now look upon my early admiration of her glories as a dream. Jly love (:n things stand to-day) is for the South alone. Nor do I deem it a dishonour in attempting to make for her a prisoner of this man, to whom she owes so much misery. If success attend me I go penniless to her side. They say she has found that ' last diteh ' which the North has so long derided and been endeavouring to force her in, forgetting they are our brothers and that it is impolitic to goad an enemy to madness. Should I reach her in safety and find it true, I will proudly beg permission to triumph or die in that same ' diteh ' by her side. " A Confederate doing dutv upon his own responsibility. " J. "Wilkes Booth."