THE NEW-ZEALANDER AND THE COLONISTS.

New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 282, 7 October 1864, Page 5

THE NEW-ZEALANDER AND THE COLONISTS.

"\Vn have received more than one communication during tiie course of Saturday expressive, in 110 measured terms, of the disgust and indignation which has been general]}' excited in Auckland by the tone of two lending articles which appeared in that duy's ii-aUB of the JSevj'^calandni'i

No wonder that our correspondents cannot understand that a journal which draws its support from the advertising and reading portion of the Auckland public, should make that very public and its real interests the object of its bitterest animadversion and most malignant attacks. The object of the jStew-Zcalander appears to be to ruin the public credit of the Colony, to punish " Queen-street" by bringing about a commercial panic, and to assist the Governor Sir George Grey in handing over the lives aiul property of the citizens to the hands of the Maori. To the casual observer it seems a strange matter that any journal should attempt to establish itself as a commercial undertaking on the ruin of tho very prosperity on which it depends for support. There is, however, as there always is in such eases, a secret key to the paradox. The do facto proprietor of the New-'Lcalunder, we speak not of the others, has an intense personal dislike, hatred would perhaps be the most fitting term, for two members of tho Ministry. To indulge this personal feeling is to him a greater gratification than to advocate the cause even of his own true interests as a property holder in New Zealand-—but unfortunately not he alone it is who suffers by his wild attack. Auckland citizens are unscrupulously andunjustifiably dragged through the mire. AVords written to lower these two,to him obnoxious, members of the Ministry are read elsewhere than in Auckland and may do incalculable mischief to t1... Province, in the Colony, and to the Colony in England. None but those who know- the motive and the man can be expected to understand that so suicidal a policy could be adopted by any but a madman or one of the most desperate fortunes. A\ r ill the people of A uekland continue any longer to allow this state of things to exist. They have the remedy in their own hands, and they will be doing less than their duty to themselves if they do not use it.

AVith regnrd»to the matter of the articles themselves, more especially that one referring to the escape of the prisoners from the Kawau, we could suppose, were we not well aware that its whole tenor is opposed to truth, that the JVeir Zenhtndcr was the

" oracle" of Sir George Grey. The latter fact may still be the case as "oracles" aforeiimes have been known to* make truth subser\ient fo expediency. As we, however, have neither access to tho Government yagers, nor a place " behind the arras" in the executive chamber in Government House — we must look at the matter itt a plain common sense view—and judge of the merits of the case from such evidence as we are able to procure from extraneous sources.

This we know, that some months since common rumour said that the Ministers and Sir George Grey quarrelled about the custody and captivity of these prisoners—that the Governor charged the Ministry with cruelty to them, (this charge was of course made for home cars as none in the colony but knew fo the contrary.) At this time the prisoners were in the charge of fhe Colonial Government and had not fhe remotest chance of escape. To keep them safely was evidently the Government's plan. They saw well cuough that some additional liberty was required, and they were prepared to provide them with it. The new and commodious building was erected bu the North shore for the reception of SO to .100 persons, when suddenly and just as the building was completed, the prisoners were removed to the Kawan. Which is the most reasonable conjecture, that Ministers suddenly changed their mind, or that their plans were suddenly interfered with, and a new destination found for the Maori prisoners ? AVhicli was the most likely to have believed, in the advisability of keeping 200 men in safe custody, on a large island, and without a guard—tiie AVhitaker Ministry ?—or Sir George Grey who is well known to entertain the belief that " no Maori chief would break his word of honor," and that it would be a proper thing to do to liberate the captives. Had Sir George Grey been averse to their virtual liberation lie certainly could have refused to have allowed them to be located on an island which was own private property, he certainly could not have entered into all necessary arrangement s for causing them at once to set to work and till it, and negotiate for the purchase of a vessel for their use.

AVliy was the guard withdrawn ? That was a part evidently of the Kawau plan. Who but the Governor himself would have believed for one moment in the efficacy of the .solemn promise of parole when made by a Maori prisoner ? The result has too clearly shown the value to be attached to Maori honor, for they all promised before they were removed to the Ivawau that they would not leave the island without the consent of the Governor. This and their bad conduct they have since acknowldged, but what becomes of Maori honor?

That the Ministry, hoping to conciliate the Governor, weak!}' gave way to him, and that he has been deceived, w? admit, but that does not alter the fact that the plan of removing the prisoners from the hulk to the Kawau was tiie Governors, and that all the responsibility ot' the consequences rests upon him. If it did not, if lie did not feel it to be his special business and his failure, why did Sir George Grey hui*ry away in the ' Miranda' alone, the next morning? why all the subsequent disgraceful and humiliating appeals to the rebels to return ? why the oil'er of compromise made by hiin, and him alone ? Sir George Grey is not the man, if he could catch his adversary upon the hip, to give him quarter, far less to place himself in the position of the other. As' we have said before, over and over again, the proposal to place the prisoners on the island was Sir George Grey's; the responsibility of the withdrawal of the guard also was Sir George Grey's ; the escape and the consequences are his also. Who but a, man with Maori j instincts would have trusted to tiie parole of honor of a savage ? A short time hence, and all the papers relative 1o this disgraceful affair must; be published. The public will then see who lias been to blame; who now comes before them with a lie in his mouth. We are content to abide the issue, on the publication.of these papers. As regards the accusation of the j\'cw Zcalandcr, that the Ministry selected the Kawau as a place of confinement with the intention that the escape of the prisoners might carry war into the peaceful North, we need offer no comment. The indignation which was felt throughout the City on Saturday after the publication of this infamous charge, is sufficient refutation of it, if, indeed, any refutation be needed. —» " JTevr Zealand ' Herald/' October 3,

Duwwa the Crimean AVar the late Prince Consort is reported to have said that " Constitutional Government in England was ou its trial." May not the observation bo truthfully applied to this Colony at this particular crisis of her affairs, brought about by the miserable war in which we are plunged by the wretched mismanagement of Howuing-streef; and the Governor she has sent us! There has been a good deal of maudlin raving in a certain quarter about revolutionary doctrines and a revolutionary parly. Children should not play with edged tools. If they do, mischief will most likely follow. Would-be politicians and leaders of parties should not talk too glibly about revolutionary doctrines until they have first looked into the dictionary to learn the meaning of the words, and have road at least Pinnock's Catechism of English History to discover an example that will plainly illustrate the definition of the dictionary. The present time is a most opportune one to show whether we are to be governed by constitutional or by revoluiotnary principles; that is, in this cast;, whether a despot, supported by a small faction, the merest minority of the population, shall govern in defiance of tho expressed will and intention of the people as expressed in a constitutional manner through their representatives. The Ministry, having the confidence of the vast bulk of the people, has resigned. One of two things must follow, cither another Ministry having the same views, with a different personnel, must succeed them, or one having totally different views. If the latter, will it ou any pretence whatever bo said that this new Ministry will represent the views and feelings of the inhabitants of this Colony ? AVill it not rather be the merest fraction of fhe population acting as the tools of despotism, riding rough shod over fhe people andtreating theinand theirrepresentativ'cs with insolent contempt. This will be something very like a vice-regal despotism, a practical illustration of the adoption of revolutionary doctrines of the worst character. A change of Ministry now means an entire change of the policy sanctioned by the people. There have been no signs whatever, either through the press or through public meetings, of any change iu that opinion. Nay, every day only adds to the strength of it and proves more and more conclusively, its truth, and fhe vast importance of carrying it out with vigour and determination. But instead ot this, the deep-rooted convictions of the people are to be ignored, and incapacity of the worst and most injurious kind is to he the idol to which we must bow. while our honour is trampled in the dust, and we sue tor peace to the rebel Maori. AVhat a spectacle does the present phase of circumstances present. A vice-regent of Great Britain, a British General, ten thousand British troops with every modern warlike appliance reduced to submit to have it said that a few half-naked, haltstarved savages, very indifferently armed, kept them at bav and defied their power and their arms. AVill the new Ministry reverse this picture, and show us anything more worthy of the honour and renown ol British statesmen and British troops. Must the finale of this New Zealand war be to tarnish the lustre of British arms and to drag iu the mud British statesmanship and honour. Has England to learn that two hundred rebels, taken with arms in their hands against the Sovereign of Great Britain, have escaped from custody, and that tho representative of the monarch of Great Britain has begged and in treated I hem fo come back to confinement, and that the Maori rebels, being deaf to his suppliant pleadings, he has endeavoured to bribe them not to light any more against British soldiers, by the promise of a few thousand acres of land. Must it be put on the page of history that these 200 rebels fortify a position on the top of a hill on the skirt»of a settled European district, within sight of the British Governor, of the British General and troops, and defy the whole British army here to take them. They have thrown down the gage, they have defied the Governor and his army, and they remain unmolested. So far, then, they can say that the Pakeha is both tillable and unwilling, with all his commissariat, his artillery and Enfield rifle, to dislodge and to capture the heroes of liangiriri. To such a strain as this will the Maori harp be strung, the cowardice, and incapacity of the Pakeha will form the burden of their songs if this heroic conduct of our model Governor is to be the course we must in shame and sorrow pursue, and the New Ministry can only be creatures of the Governor who are eager to do Ilia bidding, no matter how insane or arbitrary may be the acts of that governor. It is true this will be done in opposition to an overwhelming majority of the people. And some individuals, seeing the thing fo be so monstrous, might doubt whether men in the Colony, with any knowledge of the past and of human nature, would bo found fo lend themselves to the attempt to carry out: a policy in direct opposition fo the will of the inhabitants generally ; but—

" "Where'er down Tiber gsu-biigo flonts, the greedy pike yo .see, " And wheresoe'er such lord is found, such client still will be."

Let lis now loo\ at the Constitutional mode of proceeding. We are in this position: the change of Ministry is not caused by a change in the opinion of the country, but by a dillerence between the Governor and his Ministers. It is a very long time since a British monarch changed his ministers on a matter of personal dispute between himself and them. The constitutional course followed in England is for the Ministry to remain in power until the voice of the country expressed in Parliament, calls for a change. .Should a British Monarch in the present; day feel himself unhappily very widely at variance in his views with the Ministers, he is bouud either to adopt their advice or appeal to the country. Tie would never dream of appointing a Ministry from a minority, but even if lie did, the houses ol Parliament, would be at once convoked to express their opinion oil matters. If then, j those extreme haters of revolutionary factious will attempt to govern constitutionally, they must immediately call the Houses of the Legislature together, lay before them their policy, and take the sense of the'representatives of the people upon that policy. If that opinion be adverse, they must constitutionally retire, or initiate a revolution and endeavour to carry out the opinions of their revolutionary faction inde fiance of'thcexprewed wishca of the people. Constitutional Oevswtoimfc in New JKewiaml Je truly on il»

trial. Judgment must not be allowed to 1 go by r default. AVe must not sit quietly down and see our rights trampled upon by a revolutionary faction headed by a despotically inclined Maori Governor. It is no use mincing matters ; a spado must bo called a spade. Ihe time has gone by for Englishmen rjmolly and tamely to submit to anything ot the kind. They have struggled and fought and bled to prevent this- course of action m the past. Charles the first and his at tempt at revolutionary Government by a faction, without the co-operation of the Houses of Parliament:, and in defiance of their opinions, sealed the fate of revolutionary Government among Englishmen, .fames the second feebly attempted to follow his father's foolish conduct, but tho price tnese two sovereigns had to pay for their revolutionary attempts at despotically governing England was a very heavy one, "and it has deterred succeeding monarehs from following the pernicious and fatal example of their predecessors. Has the lesson lean it by monarehs not been learnt by Governors representing those monarehs" is a question which events will ere long answer. In tho meantime we can only hope that good will come out of this seeming evil, and thai the present juncture of affairs will tend to strengthen in us the feelings of honour and ot devotion to our adopted country, will deepen and intensify our love for free constitutional Government and our detestation of despotism founded on cowardice, wrong and injtistice.— li Ncw Zealand Herald," October If.

AVe understand that yesterday morning it was thought that the state of his Excellency's health would compel his friends to recommend him to take another of those sudden visits to the solitude of tho Kawau, which in conjunction with his eccentric course of action and previous visits to that island, have of late given weight to the belief that Sir George Grey's mind has given way, and that he is subject to occasional fits of mental aberration. If such, indeed, really be the case, then painful as may be tho open disclosure, it were better that it be made, and that his Excellency should hand over the temporary charge of office tintil his successor be appointed from home, to tho person authorised by the Constitution to assume the same in such emergency, than that the affairs of the Colony should be trusted in the hands of one, who though at times he may may be able to administer them, at others might so act as to bring about the most disastrous results.

Be this as it may, of one thing we arc certain, that the man must be infatuated indeed who placed in the possession of vice-regal power in New Zealand, could have used that power to more disastrous purpose than li:is Sir George Grey used that entrusted to him. AVe pass over the first act of the drama which he has played in New Zealand —the time between his arrival and the breaking out of a war, precipitated, if not indeed caused, by himself. AVe will even pass over what may be- termed the second act —dating from the commencement of the war to what, with any other Governor, would have been converted into its close, the battle of To Kanga—and we come to the third, the closing scene of all.

The actions of Sir George Grey during the past two or thiee months here, have ranch resembled, we admit, the incoherent follies ofweakness of mind, still, as we have said on a. former occasion, we believe them rather to be the production of craft and cunning, than of imbecility. AVhatever may have been their cause, however, their result has been the same—has been equally disastrous. Let us contrast the present state of affairs to what it might have been. His now some months since the army struck a blow towards putting down the rebellion. Tho rebels have had full breathing time allowed them throughout the length and breadth of tho land. The close of the summer saw them reduced to the verge of starvation, and consequently tho nearest that they ever have been to submission. But the advantages gained by the blood of our soldiers and settlers shed at Ivoheroa.Kangiriri,Kangiawhi a, and elsewhere, by the treasureexpendedby boththelmperial and the Colonial Governments were allowed to pass away without being used, and we are now upon the commencement ot a second year's campaign with an enemy quite as well prepared to resist as he was at the commencement, and who will in all probability have the support and assistance ol many of the Northern tribes, led into the quarrel by the mental incapacity »f a Governor, who knwoing that the North was a combustible magazine, carelessly allowed fho spark ot rebellion, existing in tlie minds of the captives oLßangiriri, to be brought in actual contact with it-

The Natives have not been slow to profit by the lull iu the war -which the Governors policy has occasioned (.luring the last low months. While Sir George Grey was squabbling with his Ministry, thwarting the wishes of the Assembly, and placing obstacles in the way of the General, the Maori was busy planting the land which should afford hnn the food to enable him to carry 011 the next summer's campaign. It was for this that lie was content to live on hinatt for a time. But even then comparatively but a small breadth of rebel's land would have been planted had it not been for Sir George Grey. Jt was for the Governor himself to furnish the means ol supplying the rebel commissariat, and the rebel potato cultivations with seed. .For several weeks past the Natives a/I Taurnnga have been removing potatoes and Hour to the tune ot from -JO lo 50 tons per (lay for the Governor's agent there. 1 hese are the seed potatoes and the food promised by Sir George Grey to the Maoris when they ceded, or rather agreed to cede, their land'at Taurnnga. Hut what] becomes of this large quantit} r ot produce j daily carried away in canoes by the Natives, j Can any one doubt.? AYill any one doubt! it when we tell them Unit the women and children of this tribe, aye, the very men themselves appear but badly fed, aiul when they come into the camp are glad enough to beg a little food, old broken crusts, &e AVhat then becomes of the potatoes and flour? Those accustomed to Maori proceedings, and who know the unanimity with which they will work for a common objcct, will not need to bo told to what purposes these seed potatoes and t he flour are applied. Is the conduct of Sir George Grey in this respect anything but that ot an insane man ¥ Are we to tuko tho escape ot the Maori pri"W)W!t rb a <;nTTi.p< or tw !* blutulsr ?

"Whichever we will, there remains this damning evidence agaiust Sir George Grey to be disposed of. Why does he allow two hundred armed men to establish themselves lU . a fortified pah, in a settled European district, and there commence slaying the settlers' cattle? Whv does he allow them to fiend their cartel of defiance to himself, threatening even that if any other than two Europeans whom they name bring any message li'om him to them, that they will kill them? Why does he allow this leaven of sedition to work through the Native mind in the North—even though during the whole time, deputation after deputation of Native Chiefs who would wish that their followers should remain loyal, wait upon him to request his immediate and active interference to effect the removal of these escaped rebels from their neighbourhood, who are corrupting the principles of the younger men. "What sane man would lay the train of war in the North when his whole interest lay in securing peace and preventing war ? Can we wonder, then, if men question the sanity o! Sir George Grey—if it has come to be openly asked why, in his case, a medical commission should not be appointed to enquire into his state of his mind, just as much as it would be done in the case of John Brown or Thomas Black. Nay, they say there is even more reason in this case, as while Brown andßlackmake ducks anddrakes of their own property only, Sir George Grey makes ducks and drakes of the property of us all, and drags our very lives and those of our families into the most imminent peril. In most imminent peril the country is likely to be placed. The very friendly natives even declare, that the rebels would have given in long ago, but that they looked to the Queen and the Governor to give them back the AVaikato, if they held out. That if they do not receive it back as a gift they have but to wait until the troops are withdrawn to retake it by force of arms, a hope which is encouraged by the breathing time given them by Sir George Grey, and by the 'lour, potatoes, and money with which he still continues to bribe them. Truly if Governor Grey is not insane then is his eonduct explicable only on far more inexcusable grounds.—October 4.