IS ENGLAND ON THE DECLINE?

New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 253, 3 September 1864, Page 6

IS ENGLAND ON THE DECLINE?

(From tho Sydney Murniny Herald, Aug. 18.) The comments of foreign journals upon the position of England in reference to the Danish war are not at. all flattering to our national self-love. They are the less so that there is a secret misgiving in every impartial English mind that there is too much truth in their imputations. The spirit of foreign journalism is almost universally hostile to England. Ttis diflicult to turn to any country where tho general tone of tho Press—(which may be presumed to represent the mental activity of their respective njitions)—is not detracting and often vituperative. Thiit Franco should entertain such views of Great Britain is, perhaps, not surprising. Though there aro many interests in common, and fow adverse, between the two nations, they have this ono cause of endless irritation, that they are abreast in authority and power, and neither can claim any marked preponderance. Such rivalry rarely admits of very cordial friendship or consistent co-iiporatiou.

The Spanish Press denounces England 011 account of lior religious toleration, and repudiates with vehemence all the obligations incurred by her costly and protracted interposition when Spuin was at the feet of a conqueror. Tho possession ol' Gibraltar is the rock of offence. That fortress is contiguous to Spain ; but she has ccased to bo a considerable! maritime State, while the ships of England cover the Mediterranean sea. That Russia should bo hostile is not astonishing, since she owes a great check to the policy of the British Cabinet—that policy which was faithful to tho rights of France, and refused lo compromise our alliance with the French nation hv complicity with tho schemes of Nicholas. The sentiments strongly expressed by the Ministry in reference to Poland has also exasperated the Itussian people. When we turn to America wo have the enmity of both great sections of that country. We have no claim upon the special regard of the Latin States, from whom we differ in language and religion. True, they had the assistance of England when Canning was Minister, who stated that, in the independence of South America he had redressed the balance of power in Europe. There is, however, doubtless, more active enmity in North America, in its two great divisions. In tho North a fashion prevails of pointing every nrticlo with somo scornful allusion to the decline and fall of the British Empire—sonic exaggeration of its misdeeds, or some misrepresentation ol' its dbjects. How deep the hatred of the South may be inferred from the impolitic and vehement declamation of Jefferson Davis, who has left the favourers of his Government at homo no pretence to espouse it, by the disclosure of savage vindicitiveness and ridiculous insolence. Tho chief of the Federal Government has, however, acted with more caution, and, though profoundly discontented with somo portion of our conduct, lias never lost sight of the value of that moral support which a largo mass of British people has given, and by whicli tho sympathisers with the slaveholders in England have been compelled to observe an absolute neutrality. Thus running over these nations, we find how the good and the evil of our Government—the right and the wrong of our country —have created or inspired the enmity of various peoples. Thus to read the language of the Press and the speeches of their statesmen, we might imagine that no wish was more thoroughly entertained—llo prayer more earnestly offered, than for the destruction of the British Dower.

Have we provoked this feeling ?—is a question to propose. It cannot be denied that we have often given occasion lor this enmity. The public mind of England is governed by certain portions of its I'rees.

Having until lately loft all foreign matters to the management of official men, we have, as a people, exercised 110 control over the course of international affairs. That there have been many mistakes and some acts too higli-handcd—a tone in which the etiquette of correspondence has been violated—certainly cannot be denied. But the chief cause of enmity is probably in the general consciousness of the importance of Great Britain in the balance of nations. No Power wishes to accomplish a purpose but it desires the alliance and suppoit of England. Of course when ilie moves 011 decisively one or other of the parties is provoked to active enmity, and probably that which she favours, being denied some of its claims, feels more resentment for what is denied than gratitude for what is done. If England refuses to act at all and remains neutril, then she is despised. The language of contempt is exhausted to depict her imbecility. The ingenious people who employ themselves ill provoking the laughter and scorn by enrrieature dwell upon her " cowardice" or her " falsehood."

Perhaps the explanation of this detestation of England, so far as it exists, is envy of her strength, and her apparent consciousness of its force. It seems impossible for human nature to tolerate anything superior to itself. We see evidence of all kinds in private life of n dislike and opposition which, when we look for justification, seem entirely inexplicable. Whv should a man be hated because he has superior intellect?—because his industry enriches himself while it benefits mankind ? because he commands by his merit tho confidence of portions of his fellowmen ? But it is so. The very existence of these qualities, and their natural results, excites envy and hatred. It is the same with nations ;*and a cry once raised, it is echoed by all idlers and satirists. However just and true the policy of nations—however benign their influence, the fact that tliev are powerful would make them suspected and distrusted. Still, while all these explanations account, largely for the tono of foreign writers in reference to Great Britain, the Danish war has given fair occasion for more reasonable censure. It is difficult to see what England has done for her Dnnisli ally but assist in an illusion which has brought ruin upon that unfortunate monarchy. It is difficult to sec how we can escape from an imputation of retreating from our own stand-point, and abandoning our own policy, and if not. in word, vet in spirit, breaking our own promises. Such, however, are the charges broadly made by the Danish Minister, and they are echoed by the Press of all nations. England has lost her prestige for the time ; and given to the world an impression that, save in licr own direct and immediate ntcrest, she will risk nothing—that, she will permit even her natural allies to be sacrificed one after another, provided the sword is not at her own breast, -that- nothing will induce her to move until danger shall be so apparent as to make Englishmen demand an effort, not for the maintenance of a just and right cause, but for the protection of themselves. There is 110 doubt 011 the other side of the question, and it may be fairly argued that a small monarchy must, accede to the'advice of its friends and shape if 3 policy according to its strength. It cannot be entitled to draw great empires into war for the sake of small results internationally considered, however great the moral wrong which may he sutlered. .But this ought to have been stated more fully and distinctly at. the outset. Had England imitated the reserve of France, as she has actually refused to compromise her own peace by active interference, we should not now have been exposed to the reproaches of our own consciences and the accusations of our allies, or tho scorn and contempt of our enemies. The hatred of the British nation because she is powerful must be borne as the price of that strength. The onlv means by which it can be escaped is the Joss of empire, and 110 one desires to purchase the esteem of the world at a cost so tremendous. But we should be glad if when that esteem is forfeited, and the crv of execration resounds about us, \ e could look into the policy of our own Ministers, and feel that they have not only done prudently, but that they have acted rightly ; that- tlicy have not only refrained from war, but preserved, with peace, their national honour. We ere not now in thai situation, and must be conscious that we have merited some part of the insult which it is so unpleasant to meet and so difficult to repel