THE ENGLISH MAIL.

New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 221, 28 July 1864, Page 6

THE ENGLISH MAIL.

(From the " Sydney Herald," July 13.) The two standard piccea of telegraphic intelligence have of course been duly considered by our leaders. I he division in the Koyal Fainilv, the popularity of the 1 mice, and the <jai;y abdication oi the Quoim • tills constitutes the first branch of intei licence villi winch wo have been «o frequently treaied hv wini.ut which has hitherto found 110 confirmation in the 1 I ,!? fc' ma P"'"t is the i-tnte of the ' ? P rt*J ,caltll, . J . lie . B° od *»M pivlsite has bwn niurk--6.1 ott tor unijtnei world ko frequently thut souio

timfi or other tho event will come without inflicting its proper measure of surprise. We find in the early parts of tb.c telegi-Mm that his health is critical; we arc then informed that the conclave lias assembled t'o choose his successor —a process, Wo .belie"!;, beVcr even initiated until the 'is i ;u tVsivllv de;;d ; but the last clause is tliatMb'o h'eilltll of Pope Tins is established." In 'truth, his approximations to the tomb-mid from its shadow have hoeu so fro- j qXieVitthat there is no parallel save in the facetious; campanion of Mother Hubbard, whose exploits often amused our childhood:— , . ' , . " She went to tho undertaker,t'o "buy hiVil it coffin, And when she came back fK'e-dog \vas laughing." The deitli of Vopo W.tis may be expected in the common course 'of nature before mnnv years are over, but probably its 'e'fiWt nil the condition of the world is exairgerated, and that whoever succeeds to' his oiiice will succeed to his power. It a happy circumstance if liis viitiies.-sUoVil'l Vw equalled without ti repetition of.ltis.'misfortunes, Tho Queen's. is just one of those events for which o'nr Constitution has made no provision ; ariel Miridt-d, as the story commonly is, on the popularity of the Prince and his hostility to the Government of his mother, it must grate upon the tamcl of every good subject. Indeed, thi onl J o6'r of Parliamentary Government in KtiglnftSl itihst lie drawing to a close if the privnte vtyiiii'on 'of 'th'e Queen or of her son is to govvjVYi the 'co'iintrv.. .. •

The lueiVss of Vhe, war if gainst Deniliark lins plftW>i tlie pos'it'iou 'of'.t]iat'monarchy on a new basis. Kncland, ft woitjd "seei;"., has abandoned the Treaty of 1552, by whielt the integrity of the Danish states woi!; giuifv.iteetl, and tho j\ugustenburg succession abolished. The results of war must always, more or less, affect the territorial condition of States. It can hardly be expected that Germany, having been I*>ermitted by England and France to f pro'<Je"ed so far, will recede to the forme;.-, standpoint without a struggle. Kor call it tte supposed that, having refrained from, poeV-cion up to the present point, the Western Power will fiuht to preserve the stipulations of tliose treaties' that have been signed and violated alike by Prussia and Austria. It may not be in the end a real disaster for the Danish monarchv to escape from the German influence even by the loss ofG-erman territory. The resolution of her tile'rnies to embroil her witli her subjects ha? more than once placed the monarchy in 1 lie new territory to which her swav WAY bo hereafter circumscribed will be and probably more defensible. Iler 'niavitime power has shown forth in this conflict, and iu that very success is ominous to the ambition of those who have endeavoured to usurp her waters.

If we had not had similar statements several times ] before we might infer something like active inter- i position from the items respecting olxr tlcet. But when ivo turn to the past months we see the same statonents ill substa'nvo, Without any confirmation in fuel. Our lost telvgrain, of the 5t li May, told us that the Fl-en'eii fleet 'was tinder sailing orders, and thut ; its probable destination was tlie Baltic. We were also informed that the officers of our navy were ordered to join ihe fleet, which it was intimated would have a similar destination. We are now informed tint Lord Palmerslo!! is anxious to send the BritUli lb et to the Baltic, and that if he be not allowed to do i'o (by whom he is to he hindered we have yet to learn) he will resign, and appeal to the country. Kvery one who knows anything of constitutional Koveriiment is perfectly aware that tho Cabinet can send the fleet lo the Baltic, upon their conviction of right, and that they ru;'.'ire ho parliamentary ronfimialion of such ti pYirp'o.-e, however subject their policv might b'o to future scrutiny. The spirit of a l:irue portion of the British House of Commons may be inferred from tho loud chec-ring which hailed the announcement of the Danish victory by sea. Not only would the country sympathise with a small naval power struggling against a Continent, but we may imagine that tiie-u tumultuous and long continued cheers were also tributary to the cause that the Danish flag then represented. But here our readers must beware of as.-ribing to the House of Commons the tumultuous cheering of which it was the scene. How many would it require to pn>duce all the effect described by the telegram r Certainl;, one hundred out of tho f'oo iniulit t>y their cheers raise tlie presump- j tion of universal sympathy, since there is no recog- | nised means by which a counter feeling, can be expressed, not liven the official attempts of the Speaker to suppress the demonstration. There can, however, be no doubt of tho direction of British sympathy ; but England cannot act alone. France must concur, or England can only sympathise. To rush into a war involving conflict with the great Powers of Europe for any purpose not eonnecled with the national safety would be a ha/.aid no minister would incur The three great monarchies which would naturally sympathise with Denmark are those paralysed by cau.-cs of coldness which have subsisted bctwi in them, and other interests which cross their traditionary policy. Russia, while imbruing her hands ill the blood of Poland, cannot speak with anything like energy against the proceedings of Austria and Prussia, although she would naturally wish to preserve the power of Denmark as against Germany. England is unable to interfere while Russia stands aloof, and Fiance i.s indifferent. France disappointed and displeased by the views of Lord .loi.n Russell, has even apparently shown no eagerness to assist in this war. Tlie telegram hints at sacrifices at the Rhine by which France is to be eonliliated, but whether tile sacrifice is to be made at the expense oi Piussia, or as the price of future annexations to be poi milted lo Prussia herself, is left lo coiijeotuie. Probably there is little exactness in the slateineiit. That France aims at the acquisition of feiritoiy bordering on the Rhine i.s known to every Luropejiii statesman, jut as the ambition of Russia covets the subjugation ot Constantinople. The time will come when these purpor-es will assume a warlike foim—wheiher in harmony with Knghiiul or against her, no one can t" 11 ,. Yv e cannot be the policemen of the world. We can maintain an asylum lor the persecuted, wc can defend tlie liberty of speech, we can defy tlie world in arms, but we cannot prevent tyranny or shield the weak against the rapacity oi the powerful. It. is perfectly clear that the confusion of contimntnl politics has "pi; u d many nations in a position somewhat false, and is causing their Governments, either by connivance or express concession, to depart " m those landmarks ot public policy winch were al ays respected in former times.