The New Zealand Herald AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, JULY 28, 1864.

New Zealand Herald, Volume I, Issue 221, 28 July 1864, Page 4

The New Zealand Herald

AUCKLAND, THURSDAY, JULY 28, 1864.

SPKCTKMUR A<iKXbt>. Give every jrv-ui Lbine ear, hut few thy voice: Take each man's censure, but reserve thy judgment. Tins above ull, —To Lhino ownself be true; And it must follow, :us Lho m>;hi the day. Thou canst not then he false to any man."

It has become fashionable of ]ale with :i certain class of writers in the colony to ailed regret thai greater efforts were not made in the first instance lo rule the natives of this country more in accordance wit-h constitutional principles; in other words to censure the lion-introdiition amongst t.heni in their entirety from the commencement, o f'the duties and obligations of British subjects. It is much easier, however, to indulge in these reflections after the event than to point out a practical remedy, or to suggest even now any t'easable plan by which so desirable an object could have been attained.

Those who imagine, or who affect to do so, that the assumption of the sovereignty of these islands, some quarter of a century ago by Great Britain, imposed obligations on her part to the extent of immediately initiating extensive and costly governmental establishments throughout the country, such as would be necessary to carry out at once and successfully a project of this kind, most assuredly entertain views far too Utopian and fanciful to be deserving of the slightest attention, ltficiprocal regard to the first principles of the relathe duties and obligations winch bound the parties to the contract was all that could have been expected or intended on either side. Obedience to the laws affecting life and property would be a primary requirement on the part of the Queen's Government, while protection from foreign foes and against private wrong on the part of any over whom the laws had practical control at the time, would be the principal benefit to which tlie New Zealanders would have an immediate claim. More than this must: be the work of years and could come only bv degrees. AVhai ever further advantages from government and civilization the newly adopt-

Ed subjects of the crown might reasonably look for under the circumstances must depend greatly on the measure ot their dwri active. coroperiitiou with our efforts to do , ,• i • Tins is it ho reasonable ttha view of the case, and if the whole history of Zealand colonization had to be entereil on 10-iiioiTOw for the first time, it would be difficult to show in what way this eourac ox things coi,ild be greatly improved. " But if in regard. to active liiter.erence in (he matter of introducing civil and domestic; institutions anions the iSew ZcAlaiKie/rs our • policy would not be riVAtel-ially altered even on review 'Of 'thG past, there is another aspect in which we think the attitude both of; the Colonial and Imperial authorities towards the natives would present,ii 'very observable contrast. —We mead <bh the ; s.jcr6 of firmnefc.s. •. To otir iji'.seV'fi-ble vacilatinp; native policy, it is thai we are indebted for all the trouble, annoyance, and expense the colony has been put to ever since its first formation. This is the true explanation of the New Zealand difficulty. This has been tlie source of our weakness throughout, and is still the principal if not the only occasion of any anxiety or, apprehension "we entertain for the future. The complete failure of that temporizing prilicv which wa-s all tfl'frng pursued in this country undrr "the auspices of Sir George Grey, ha'« now become matter of history, lis results are before the world. Adopted in mistaken lenity—pursued under successive humiliations —it has terminated at last in anarchy and sad disaster. That such would be its end was all along the firm belief, not only of all who were possessed of practical information on New Zealand affairs, but of many besides who formed their opinion in the matter simply from , general principles. The whole system of treatment adopted by the governing power towards tlie natives was essentially and radically wrong. It was founded no doubt in the best intentions, but it is equally certain it was founded on false principles, and in amazing igorance of the laws which govern human nature. New Zealand as a field for European enterprise for twenty years, has in consequence been held in check, while the Maoris themselves, for whose especial benefit the system was adopted and followed up for so long a time, have been well nigh ruined through its means. "Whether Sir George Grey himself was the apostle of this temporizing policy in New' Zealand, or whether he simply adopted what was already partiady prepared to his hand, it is now of little consequence to enquire, but it is quite certain that it was not until after his arrival in the colony that it assumed that com pass and bread' ho florin which itultimately attained, and whi>h entitles it at the present day to rank as an institution of the land. Under his supervision it was organised and kept in motion. Through his influence it was fostered and 'encouraged, until its operations nave extended to the remotest 'native district, and its power for good or evil is known and felt by every tribe and subdivision of the Maori race. It was bv its means that the first New Zealand war was closed. The compromise then made by the Governor of the day with belligerent tribes in the midst of defeat and disgrace to our arms, was effected, as it were, in the first; bloom and heyday of the temporizing policy. Blankets and sugar, flour and tobacco, were freely distributed to the men that sacked Ivororarcka, on the very day 011 which the outrage was committed and in the very midst of the despoiled Europeans. From that time until the end of Sir George Grey's first pro-consulate, a long and dreary era presents itself in the history ot the colony, during which the famous do-nothing policy dragged along its corrupting and enfeebling career. Anything tending to develope the resources of the country, in an European point of view, during that period was systematically and zealously discouraged. Whatever might endanger tlie relations of the Government: with the haughty overbearing natives or disturb the quiet: manipulation of the large sums annually expended upon them and among them by the Governor from Imperial sources, was kept at the utmost' possible distance. Nearly every European channel of enterprise was closed. Emigration there was none. Political lite among the colonists was entirely .extinct. Grass might grow on t lie streets and highways of the Colony, but the natives and their friends must not be disturbed, lu tiiose days every one did homage to the silent system. It wastheSalurnian age of" peace" to the man whose ambition it was to secure for a time the passive quiescence of the native people.

Of course Sir Greorge (Ircy now stood high in the estimation of his clients at home and elsewhere. He was the champion of Imperial interesls in the colony, (lie here of the .Aboriginal Protection and the idol of Exeter J lull. And would he not deserve the praise he received at their hands*? 1 ladhenot economised in pence and expended in pounds"? Did he not " cheek" the colonists and "encourage" the natives! And had he not successfully relieved both races

alike of the onerous task of having anything lo do in the matter of looking after their own affairs ? Unquestionably he had achieved all this, lie had fulfilled his labour, lie had accomplished his hire and he would have his reward.

But the dny dawn will break even over sleepy hollow. The Home Government at length became weary of a colony whose talented Governor would persist in the ungracious course of giving them no trouble. They felt they must do something on their own account, and possibly, by way of experiment, to ascertain whether or not any Europeans still lingered on an island whose aboriginal inhabitants were not being daily "rob- " bed or shot down," they hit upon the notable device of flinging a Constitution Act of homo manufacture (only a bungled alJ'air it: is true) broadcast upon the colony. They bad tried to do this before, but Sir George Grey in the coolest manner possible turned key "upon the Imperial parchmentand ordered the irresponsible coach to drive on. Possibly he held too accurate an estimate of his own position to risk the experiment a second time. But he did not long'liesitate to make his election. The governor of this colony is a man of foresight and of taste withal, and he felt intuitively that there would be something indecorous in placing representative institutions ' side by side with his own flour and sugar policy. He foresaw what was coining and like a man who knows when the right thing is to be done, lie voluntarily determined on a short visit to England. The sequel is soon told. His successor in due

time arrived in the.colony. But .though the high priest'of the mysteries waft himself gone the.-policy he had inaugurated remained behind him. Colonel Ci-oro Browne, simple man, had no established repv.tr. t inn to boast 011 the .score of the management of aboriginal tribes ; he was well content, to follow on 111 the track that lay opett before liiiUi H'e applied himself to the work or governing the . natives with the eariiestiiess and perfect sincerity,of a inaii who had 110 misgiving about the wisdom c)i' good faith of the policy he was attempting to carry out. But though slow to perceive anything wrong in a time-honored i custom, some f\ve ye.ars experience of its working coitvinred ths crovprhor of. the iittei 1 impracticability of the scheme, when, like a man of one motive, as he was well known to be, he determined at once to veer ship and steer a new coursc. The sequel in this instance also is easily disposed of. The home authorities, or some one 011 their behalf, declared the new treatment to be doubtful. It was thought a bad case, and the. patient it : was feared was getting worse. The old family pliysician therefore must be called jii, or rather it. is supposed he volunteered hhs serviced. George Grey accordingly once more visits the scene of his former exploits. His admirers are before hand with hiin this time in their account of what he purposes and what he will do. It was admitted he was conciliatory, but then he could be firm. Itebels and contemuors of the Queen's authority would find in him a man ot resolute purpose, and they must succumb. Some months passed over after the arrival of the new Governor in the colony before he made any movement whatever. At the end of that time he visited the professedly friendly natives of Lower AVaikato. The rebels or king natives were not visited at AVaikato nor elsewhere. They did not invite him, and he would hot go amongstthem. This may have been the safest but in our opinionit was notthe wisest or mostpolitie course to have pursued. AVe believed, at the time, that a more candid and out-spoken policy would have had more weight with.the native people in the interests of peace. The day had long passed when disaffected Maoris would feel fcicrt at the dishonour put upon thx-Ya in this way by the Queen's representative. The same thing was repeated at the South. The friendly natives were visited and complimented, but the contumacious were left to smart under infliction of the viceregal frown

Next followed the famous new institutions. The wildness of the scheme was every where discussed, but chiefly in private at the time, for the people were resolved that even yet the Governor should : htiv'e a fair field. Silcnce was again a Kelt-imposed duty on the part of the colonists. Action just then was riot required. They had only to suffer, to be maligned, and to pay the cost. Some seventy thousand pounds a year was freely voted to cany on the experiment. So long as pensions, salaries, and presents were the order of the day everything went smooth]}' enough. Occasionally perhaps where the administration was less "talented" slight contretemps would ensue. An offending project of the Government would be suspended, or a "Gorst" printing establishment would be unceremoniously demolished ; but these things. Occurred only " occasionally and accidentally, as it were/' and of course would be very easily forgiven. So soon however as his Excellency attempted to invade the head quarters of Maori disaffection, when compelled through pressure of the Tarahaki petition to the Queen to visit that unhappy province, and to make some effort to accomplish even a single step in the direction of redressing the wrongs of the settlers—at that very moment and on that very day— the whole tableau of affairs is changed as by magic. A complete phantasmagoria ensues. The new institution*, the runangas, the assessors, the parson, the doctor, and the schoolmaster all go by the run, and all run in 'company together. There is no hesitating ami no trifling, with his purpose to be free on the part of this noble protege of British benevolence. He dashes straight onward to his purpose. The glittering tomahawk is uplifted to strike home the blow, and this time descends not into the passive earth at the feet of the Queen's representative' in token of peace and good will, but into the warm blood and quivering flesh of her Majestv's unsuspecting and unoffending European subjects. Such has been the course of operations in this Colony, brought down to the present day, in which the temporising policy has played its part. »Such has been the Jin ale to Sir George Grey's latest attempt to rule the New Zealanders by what is facetiously termed in the Colony " the flour and sugar policy." It o'ecupied nearly two years of iiis Excellency's valuable time ere he arrived at that position which nine-tenths of the practical common sense men in the Colony had assigned as the limit of his career months before he had started upon it. A less clever individual would have accomplished the work in a much shorter period, and thereby have saved to the Colony and the Empire both time and treasure. But possibly that would not have answered so well, J*t would not have cost Great Britain the two years expense of the army of occupation unemployed in the country throughout that period, nor have lost to the Colony the long months its affairs were held in suspense, and it is certain that it would have left untried altogether the most roundabout way that could possibly bo thought of for attempting to prove that the natives of this country were not to be dealt with even oa Sir George Grey's own boasted principle of " sap."

In the meantime thoughtful men begin to enquire how much more of this kind of government the Colony may he able to bear, for, notwithstanding the discomfiture of Governor Grey—notwithstanding the complete revolution" which his system so rudely underwent at the hands of the native people—despite the frightful catastrophes, massacres, and butcheries in which his whole scheme has resulted in parts of the northern island—all this yet seems to some minds but the fitting adornment of a pleasing romance; and to all appearance, either from feelings of political revenge, or from mere private animosity, or from still more directly interested motives, a few individuals in the community are again willing to embark anew in the same mad career of disastrous folly and unparalelled corruption. AVe find it hard to believe, however, that Sir George Grey will be found among the number of such individuals. Mortifying as it must be to him to witness the wreck of an

enterprise on which he has bestowed much thought, and expended so much labour, yet he is surely by far too shrewd a mail not to perccive tu;vt it is both more hopeful, even at his stage of experience, i 0 retrace his stops and re-mould his plan* than to attempt to coutiuuo obstinately in a course which already has brought ruin on thousands of both races, and immt still if pcrSevei'dd iii, qveii hilt partially, result onlyill further humiliation to himself, iri the uttct extermination of the native J'ace, in a feeliiio of mutual distrust, animosity, and ill-blood between the /colonists . and . iße i,-other country, and eventually m their final separation. NEW ZEALA./;. viJNJJICATED. It is satisfactory, indeed, to find that the leading journals in the Australian colonies and at home, view the question of New Zealand a (lairs in a just and liberal light. More especially do. L wefcel gratilied to find thai this is,the case .with the leading jourijaj* both in Melbourne and iii Sydney.-; Xhe Sydney ilcmld and the J/eiSotii'fo Argus are daily journals which for the ability with which they are edited, for aecurate information on all mercantile, political and other matters ot the day, rank second among daily papers only to the London Timet,- itself. In reading their reviews Upon tlie political affairs of this colony, it must be borne in mind that they stand in a peculiar position. Near enough to us in New Zealand to he well and throughly acquainted from week to week, as they occur, with the details of our public business and G-overnment; with the changes taking place 111 the native mind from time to time and with the causes of those changes —with the minutest details of the 'occurrencoH 0 f the War forwarded til them by their own special reporters—near enough, we say, to have this great advantage in discussing our atiairs. . they are still separate colonies thoroughly unbiassed in their judgments toward? parties here, aild; thus we'l informed and impartial, may fairly be said to represent the truest rellex ot passing events in New Zealand. We say the truest reflex, because we are willing to admit that the New Zealand journals themselves can scarcely be said to write unbiasedly, or free from feeiing, on so important a subject-. A\ r e believe there is evenendeavour to do so on the part ot the respeetable portion of the New Zealand press and especially by the leading journal of Auci; r landj the HERailJj and.also by the Southern Cross, but eveii were the the New Zealand press unbiassed, we could hardly expect, but that the minds of English _ readers would scarcely divest themselves of a suspicion of partiality on our part —and we would hardly blame them for dou;g so. Such then being the case we cannot but feel proud and grateful at the course pursued by the weighty and generous- allies who have taken up the cudgells in our defence. 'We take from the Melbourne Arc/its of the loth, a clear and forcible article uu the; New Zealand debate in the House of "Cornrnons. It is argued as though by one living on the spot, and the writer is evidently wefl and accurately informed 011 the subject on which he writes. The article alluded to is as follows :—

The speeches of 111". Hills, Mr. Buxton, and 3lr. vSelwyn, in the Hoiue of Common*, oa the war policy of the New Zealand Government, are a capiti! illustration of the kind of obstacles winch beset colonists at u distance from the mother country in simply solving the problem of their existence. In this c.ise, it must be remembered that- the Imperial Government took all the pi'elimmurvV-'-ps. It founded the colony> and invited settlers. if \oceupied the islands) purely for Imperial purposes, i:!!/' to prevent them froia fulling into the hands of the leneh, who were pre]xir>*"J to talce them if wo did not. It mat'e,. a treaty nntfc the Maoris—:iot, as it has turned out, a very wise or politic one, but certainly one which cannot be impugned oil the score ot liberality to the natives. It agreed in return for the sovereignly of the island.*; to respect the native rights of property in the soil, ard to prevent individual Europeans from purchajing, except through itself. On the f.ith of tiie engagements thus made, a large British population was induced to set tie in the Northern Island, whose settlement foe the iirst time, gave a tangible value to the native lands. Through the neglect of the Imperial Government, and the blunders oz its oilicers, an enormous territory was suffered to lexuain in the hands of its nominal rative proprietors, until, through the increase of the European settlers, the lands at the disposal of the State were no longer suliicient to meet the demands of the colonists. The more urgent were these demands, the more extortionate became the Maori owners, until at last, from mingled jealousy of the European and a newly-awakened sentiment, of patriotism, the Maoris formed themselves into a league, to prevent more hinds being sold. At this very time, the Imperial Government chose, atjaiuxt the withes of the colmiMs, to divest themselves of the light of controlling native tifi'airS. The colonists were told that, inasmuch as they had been fully endowed with the privileges of self-govern-menl, they must take into tlieir own hands the responsibility of dealing with the natives. AY ell, the colonists havetakenDowning-street at its word ; and because they have adopted a plan by which, in their judgment, the difficulties between the Maoris and themselves may be most easily and effectually arranged—to tlio benefit of both races— they are being subject to the usual outcry from a certain section of politicians, who believe that Englishmen can never come across a coloured people without being incontinently seized with a desire to maltreat and exterminate them. The so-called '■ confiscation pii!icy'" is violently denounced, as though it was a deliberate scheme for the spoliation of the native proprietors, and the eventual extirpation of the Maori race. Mr. Mills declaims, with the usual intiepidity of ignorance, against the whole conduct ot the colonists , as disgraceful to themselves and injurious to the British name. He avers that the •' wholesale policy of confiscation" inflicts not only an individual, but a tribal wrong. He pretends to believe that the confiscation is to extend over the whole island, although only one-tenth of the natives were in revolt, and he demands, in those accents of mf.udliii philanthropy which to the ordinary member ot tiie House of Commons are so irresistible, whether " the natives of New Zealand are to be dared to iignt for their hearths and homes I'" Sir. Buxton, who has a sort of roving commission to expose the crimes of his countrymen in distant part,-!, and who recently made so memorable an exhibition of his philmtfinipic zeal about Kagosima, is no less indignant at the policy of the New Zealand Government. He ' ,0 avers that the act of confiscation was not intended merely to punish those who had risen in rebellion against the Queen's sovereignity, but that, in fact, " it proposed to confiscate the whole of the lands ot fill the natives in the Northern Island of New Zealand. Mr. Selwyn is no less outspoken, and almost equally well-informed, on the subject on which he spoke. The reply of Mr. Cardwell wilt not be altogether satisfactory to those who believe, with oiirsches. that the colonists understand their own a flairs better than the Imperial Government—that they ai'S 11 least as competent to decide as to what is neccssary to the maintenance of peace in New Zealand as ' _ 5 censors at home—and are no less aispo=c to act justly and humanely towards the Maoris than members of the Imperial Parliament. The Colonial Secretary alniGst lends a half assent to the charges against the local Government. While admi' t,n = that " the British Government had not simply conferred authority upon the colonists—it had actually forced upon them the duty of governing the population," lie confesses that he lias so little faun in the justice and the humanity of the colonists, tha he has insisted, on the part of the Crown, that " a° a single confiscation should take place without t e conseut of the Governor." . . The colonists of New Zealand may fairly coni]> 1:1111 both of their assailants and their defender.

Jiave already, through the mouth of Mr. Fox, sufficiently justified their policy in the eyes of all -heir neighbours. They have cleared themselves full v of anv desire to oppress or ill-use tlio natives. Thev have shown that the confiscation policy was a necessity forced upon them, as a last means of pacification—the consequence, not. of their own acta, but of a long series of blunders ;md mismanagement on Jio parTof the Imperial authorities. They have convinced us that there can bo no peace in Jsew Zealand until the Uueen's authority has been maintained, and no security for its maintenance unless a portion of the lands now lying waste, under the nominal ownership of the Maoris, is occupied and turned to profit bv British settlers, and unless the European '.•lenient'is, by this means, greatly increased and •i'.renrthe'ied. As ; o the theory that this is,a war ;. ot up merely out of lust of territory, or from vinilii'tivoiiess, it can only exist in the minds of that ir ',.rbid race of philanthropists in whose eyes the white man is always wrong and the dark man always "ds term the

j-i<*ht. That which tne nomc •■Tlair.n'd nigger" policy, is, in fact, utterly unknown even hy name, in Xew Zealand ; and nothing can be ~miv unjust than to accuse those who are fighting as much i'or the Queen's supremacy us their own safety, nf li'iliiiS's ami views so base as those which Mr. Puxto:'- attributes to the British community in Sew '/e:i!.ind- .' ■ ■ . ..... 'The English Press generally, we are glad fo'.pcr-

-, ive taV's what is at'once the more sensible and „, r , p..!ri"t'c viev of.the matter. The .J-'crifinixt, which is one of tho best informed of all the weekly

annals, contends that the Colonial Legislature unu- r.-taiuls the question a great deal better than the Imp--rial parliament, and that it is not less disposed to act honourably anil generously. At least, if the uol'iiv is lit 'or self-i'.'Ovi:rnment in other matters, it u f.;{ io take charge of tin:.native question, As for 111.' t it-quoted Treaty of "SYaiiaiigi; it is well argued, hi answer to those who. maintain that it gave us no right of fcoveveigntjr ovter the. Maoris, that the natives did not understand what it was they were bartering away—that if one term of it, the supremacy the Queen, was unintelligible to them, the other, the title to all the wild land, was eqmdly unintelligible to them. The Maoris cannot hold us to one pit of the bargain, if they reject the other. If they i-._i.-i-t the whole—if they tell us tlio Treaty of Waiwi'ui is hiill ainl Void—thei) it is clear that w need no ajiology in taking from them their siirpius jaiids maintain our own settlers. in What other country inn .Sew Zealand was there any sort of property in fhr soil recognised in favour of the aboriginal savages, en tlie part ot the European colonists:' VThat can lw more absurd than to maintain, as some of our yh'lo-Maoris'do, thiit the English settlers'were, bound, yi! a", island, of which only a very insignificant part was occupied by a handful of savages, to admit the aboriginal right of property to the whole, and to retrain from cultivating a single acre without purchase The occupation being made, and the c.ilonv established, the J-'.conomist asks what course of action is open to the Europeans, supposing that the n.itives, taking advantage of our own origimd scrupti-luur-neis, insist that no more land shall be sold, and take up arms to resist the law 'i " Are we bound to stand still, or retreat, from tho colony, and yield it to tvirlurians!' And if we do not do so—if we insist on bar right to hold, and to buy from the real occupier, without permitting interference from tribes or la nd leagues, ar.d are involved iii war in consequence, is thv'c anything more just or wise than to enforce such terms as shall render war for the future impossible, ami that at the expense of the natives who forced w.ir ujKjn us The Spectator, which cannot be accused of any want of sympathy with the philanthropic sentiment, is equally earnest in denouncing those " blundering friends of the Maori," v.-ho desire to prolong the struggle between him and the white man by leaving the question of superiority tin open one. Messrs. Mills, Buxton, and Selwyn tire charged with utter ignorance of the question on which they Imve expended so niwjhj cheap humanity; " Their is L-ri.at, lind their humanity is noble; but the farmer is not according to knowledge, and the latter is no monopoly of theirs." The Colonial Governments ami the colonial press are vindicated from the charge of selfishness aud cruelty; and it is pointed out- with much force, that the very measure which is H' vehemently condemned by the peace party as the emanation of the brutal " damn'u nigger" sentiment, was in reality the measure of tlie very man who was sent out to make peace with the Maoris at any price, and who has left nothing undone to show his preference of tlie savage to the European.