STATESMANSHIP AND HUMANITY.

New Zealander, Volume XVII, Issue 1587, 3 July 1861, Page 2

STATESMANSHIP AND HUMANITY.

(From the •‘London New Zealand Examiner,” April 15)

n P*u 15.) All great realities, all the great forces in human affairs, are reconcileahle, and it is a mistake to suppose that the empire of one demands the sacrifice of another. Weimar continually of political necessities, as if these justified a total disregard both ot mercy and justice ; and charity, on the other hand, is supposed to have rights and a realm incessantly at war with the dictate and the doing, of tiie soundest political wisdom. A far other faith is that which we hold. We believe that the I grandest statesmanship and the divinest humanity I involve and complete each other; and that slates- - manship can as little be cruel as humanity can violate those sober economies with which alone statesmen, as such, profess to deal. If, then, i n the government of New Zealand, statesmanship and humanity have conflicted, we conclude the statesmanship must have been of a narrow and pedantic, the humanity of a silly and sentimental character. Yet, whatever may hive been the blunders of a morbid, and, perhaps, canting humanity, we must seek the root of the mischief in incompetent statesmanship. Why should the natives and thj colonists be represented as having hostile interests? Why should it be deemed needful for the colonists to be pampered, or for the natives to be pitied and petted ? The instant New Zealand became a British colony, every inhabitant of New Zealand rose to the dignity of a British subject. This did not imply the destruction of the ancient institutions and clan relations of the Natives, but It implied that such institutions and relations could only he recognised to the extent that they did not interfere with the operations of British law. What cun be clearer, what more rational, what at once so merciful and just! There was to be no preference of native over colonist, or of colonist over native. They were to have the same social,the same political advantages; the same opportunities of developing the magnificent resources of their common country. The natives were not to be a branded, yet neither were they to be a favoured race, and the colonists were not to be enriched at the expense of the natives. From an ignorant or cowardly neglect of this simple principle have sprung countless calamities, and the foolish dispute which now desolates the fair fields of Taranaki. We are convinced that if this principle had been fairly, energetically, and persistently applied, the natives would never have rebelled. They would have learned loyalty to the English Government through gratitude for generous protection; they would have learned salutary fear by seeing tha: they could not offend against the law with impunity. As it is, they have hem made that half-branded, half-favoured race whom the brand maddens and whom the favour insults. Just so much of English civilization has been communicated us was sufficient to nourish their prejudices and ruffle their susceptibilities. Now, those calling themselves their friendshere and in New Zealand have not pursued the best mode either of improving their condition or of redressing their grievances. They have striven to prolong the separate existence of the Maories when the thing to be desired was, that the two races should amalgamate as speedily as possible; they have spoken of the Maories as of beings doomed to everlasting tutelage fthey have wished to guard the Maories with the privileges, and to amuse them with the pleasures, of children. Now, as soon as the Taranaki squabble is ended, the anomalous attitude of England towards the Maories must end too Let us treat the Maories as men; let us expect from them the duties of mem Unfortunately, British legislation and British administration are botli at home and abroad too often a wretched compound of haphazard and routine. A reckless empiricism completes the evil which an abject slavery to custom had begun. And no British Colony has suffered more fatally from this than New Zealand. Because there were no real difficulties in governing New Zealand, have Red Tape and its natural ally-" blindest rashness, combined to create difficulties The Maories are hut a handful, and, alike fro® the moral and intellectual qualities attributed to them, easy to manage. But Red Tape lias tripped them up, and harshness has tried all kinds o tricks with them after they were down, and their friends, the philanthropists, have offered them childish counsels, and still more childish consolations. There was, first, afilse statesmanship, and then a false humanity, _ . In our pictures of New Zealand, in our P® 3 * ings for its progress, we have never been ced by the spirit of partisanship; in approaching all questions we have been conscious ot, and we trust that we have never intentionally deviate from, the strictest impartiality. Colonial development We regard as the chief bulwark of Brill greatness. When England ceases to be the mother of colonies, she will cease to be the the world. Not merely for England’s sake or M Zealand’s sake, but for the sake of civilization its holiest and most fruitful sense, we have ea J* voured to hold on high the very loftiest doctr of colonial growth and expansion, persuaded herein, ns in everything relating to them, most exalted always proves at last to be the practical. As the United States at tins tragically show, a boundless cupidity is lta destruction. Precisely that New Zca.an rapidly increase in wealth should its inna 1 be animated by something nobler than t e . and insatiate lust for gain. That their pros? may be an abiding prosperity, the colonists s therefore aspire to be chivalrous as well as in their contact with the Maories. > „ n t. We cannot suppose that the Maonesare r ing only imaginary wrongs. No uoudi J ceive that they have often been dupe 0U . a j e nt. land without receiving any substantial But the moral sentiment of the commun Y he here the best guardian. Phere is Q f sa le why land should differ in the condit ■ -g from any other article. In the sale o » aD d the sale of any other article the Covei the community are both bound to see ‘ - nesS . ling is not substituted for honour 3 > t 0 r It is iniquitous that a native, either > se u bi» indirect means, should he compel*. -houldh® land; it is still more iniquitous that hle - who the victim of the sharks and the g of have been the ruin of America. w illi°o colonists complain that the natives j n this* to sell their land. We find no har rr jght As a British subject the native hasa c to keep his land as long as he c i. • t0 pjrt himself, he would ultimately be 0 f the with it. We grieve to confess tha f ® 0 g CO more vulgar, selfish, and unscrupu .MjErajL

. noo r Maori, which we cannot too warmly the ,* } n It becomes the many good and able C ° n who interest themselves in the progress of £ Zealand, to see that the simple and trusting ri is shielded from imposture. But this should u lone as an act of brotherhood and citizenship, I not with reference to the traditions and suctions of clanship. The Government of Eng- ? d and the Government of New Zealand should fence proclaim that native and colonist are 8 * tiy the same in the eye of the law; that, inl d they recognise no distinction between colo- ■ t and native.° Let this valiant utterance reach "very New Zealand hut, and never again will the f tije-axe he grasped except, perchance, to resist Jf invader of homes, dear alike to the native and +h colonist. A colony cannot he too soon accustomed to the idea of final independence. The 1 eeilicr New Zealand can march alone, the better both for itself and England. But the idea of inj endence is associated with the idea of unity, r s e w Zealand the jarring, the chaotic elements 1 , t bo annihilated. They are of artificial birth, the offspring vna-hdy °f those Antiquated ami cumbrous modes of government which England in •ts strength is contented to tolerate for its own 'oncerns” hut which are altogether unfitted for an English colony. In truth, to a colony should be taken English’energy, English truthfulness, every English excellence, but a good deal of English lumber must be left behind if humanity and statesmanship are to be mutual ministers.