IRELAND.

New Zealander, Volume 13, Issue 1147, 15 April 1857, Page 3

IRELAND.

[From the Times' Correspondent.] Dunlin, Wednesday, 17th December. TIIK INCOME-TAX. The county of Dublin demonstration against the further continuance of the war 9d. took place yesterday at the Court-house of Kilmainham, the High Sheriff presiding. The attendance, notwithstanding the publicity given to the notice of the meeting, was not numerous j but, perhaps, it will be urged that what was wanting in quantity was made up in quality. In all Irish movements it is only when class interests are at stake, or some perfectly Utopian project to be advanced, that the national mind can be worked up to the excitement pitch; but here was a grievance which affects all grades of society, from the highest to the lowest, for those who escape the income-tax suffer by the pinching economy which makes retrenchment a sacred duty on the part of those subject to the impost, and, as usual, the meeting, as a striking expression of public feeling, was an undoubted disappointment. Nevertheless, what was said was to the purpose, and, as the grievance complained of was real, it required no great amount of eloquence to enforce the necessity of a Legislative remedy- The speeches were all characterized by a tone of moderation not often met with in popular assemblages. All that was sought for was the abatement of the 9d., and with one exception there was no allusion even to the propriety of abolishing the tax, root and branch, as the exigencies of the State would not, perhaps, admit of so large a sacrifice of the general income of the country, at least for some time to come. The principal speakers were LordCloncurry, the county members. Alderman John lleynolds, Sir Robert Shaw, Part., Sir .John Kennedy, Hart., and tin; Hon. St. John Butler. The following resolutions were adopted nem con. ; "That the income and property tax, even in its original shape, when imposed for the first time in 1853, fell with peculiar pressure upon the people of this country, and that its increase from 7d. to Is. 4d., however justifiable by the necessities of war, becomes impolitic, unnecessary, and unjustifiable upon the restoration of peace." "That the very condition upon whiehtheincrea.se was granted in 1854 presupposed its discontinuance as soon as practicable after the termination of the war under the act of 1851, declaring that the increase was to continue in force during the war and until the sth of April next after the ratification of a definitive treaty of peace and no longer, and that according to the provisions of the act the increase would cease on the sth of April, 1857." "Thai its further extension in the act of 1855, by the introduction of the words •until the tith of April after the expiration of one year from the ratification id' a definitive treaty of peace.' thereby, in the present case, extending it virtually to more than two years from the conclusion of the treaty of peace, which took place on the -'soth of March. 1856, is unjust, impolitic, and comprehends more than a year beyond the period usually limited in the case of war taxes." "That a petition be presented to the House of Commons, signed by the high sheriff and by the county generally, praying that from and after the sth of April, 1857, the income and property tax may be reduced to the sum fixed by the act of 1853, and that the petition be intrusted to the country members." The Belfast Mercantile Journal has the following observations on the present agitation against the in-come-tax: — " At the present moment the popular cry seems to be, • Down with the income tax,' the people, we will be bound to say, little thinking that, in promoting this cry, they arc at the same time, (Tying down free-trade, principles. We are so distant from thorough free trade in this empire that, without including probate and legacy duties, we still raise (speaking in round numbers) £30,000,000, by strictly indirect taxation, some £5,000,000, of this being Irish revenue—free trade, and £30,000,000, annually raised from Customs' duties. How inconsistent! Before the war broke out the tendency was certainly to advance (indirect taxation, with the gradual sacrifice of indirect sources of revenue; but the extravagant expenditure consequent upon it seems to have disarranged all the national ideas with regard to our commercial policy. The present agitation for a reduction or a repeal of the income tax, be it observed, does uoi arise from the classes really suffering—viz., the farmers, the small shopkeepers, or from clerks, ami those generally with terminable or precarious incomes. The men who have raised and are raising the war of disapprobation are the men of larger means and property; and in consequence the vagueness of the demand for redress. Consistent Free-trade statesmanship would require in the next budget that when taxation is being reduced the reduction be larger in the indirect than in the direct sources. This, however, appears lo beat present the unpopular view of the case: but if the public would take time to think they might find, perhaps, that it would suit them just as well to continue to pay even this 'double' income-tax, provided progressive reductions in accordance with the surplus revenue, were made in the duties on tea, sugar, coffee, wine, silk, paper, leather, Itoots, gloves, &c., — particularly as such reductions would, as a matter of course, greatly increase the demand for their linen, cotton, woollen, and, in fact, all kinds of manufactures, which would beshippd in increased quantities to all parts of the world. It appears to us so perfectly inconsistent for a nation - professedly a free trade nation -such as ours, to persist in levying sonic £30,000,000 sterling in Customs' duties that we have no doubt of common sense and common prudence prompting the Government, ere long, cither to adhere to the principle of direct taxation or to abandon for the future, all claims to the proud title id' being free traders. No, no ; the present agitation would be more legitimately directed towards an abolition of the paper and wine duties than (hat of the income-tax. The expenditure of the nation must be met ; and it is therefore manifest that if the Government are forced by this inconsistent and impolitic movement, either to abandon the income-tax, or to reduce it even to the former rale of 7d. in the pound, they must maintain the present high rate of duties on main articles of consumption, indispensable to the health and well-being of the great mass of the people.' Tilt: deanery ofcasiiel. According to the Tiuperary Free Press, the Roman Catholic inhabitants of the city Cashcl, in conjunction with the clergy of the same persuasion, have presented a memorial to the Lord-Lieutenant in favour of the appointment of the Hev. Newport B. White to the living of Cashcl, vacant by the death of Dean Adams. Owing to the absence of his Excellency in England no answer has yet been given to the memorialists. A similar manifestation of friendly feeling between the two hostile religious classes has not occurred since the Roman Catholic Clergy and laity of Limerick petitioned the Executive to appoint Dean Higgin (the. present Bishop of Dcrry) to the then vacant see of Limerick. NAPLES. ATTEMPTED ASSASSINATION OK Till': KINO. The following are extracts from private letters : "Naples, December !). "The telegraph will doubtless already have made you acquainted with the event of yesterday, but I will here inform you of what I have heard from a good source. "The Calabrian who attempted to assassinate the King is called Melano, and, according to his own avowal (some hours after the attempt), he was one of the former companions of Kibotti at the time of the insurrection in Calabria in 18M7. Since then he had sworn to kill the King. What is horrible is that this brigand had been intended for holy orders, and left the seminary to enlist in Ribotti's baud. Despite all his efforts, he never found an opportunity for leaving Calabria till nbout seven months since, when lie offered himself as a volunteer and was admitted into the 3d Regiment of the Line. Zealous in the. performance of his duties, he was promptly admitted to the ranks, and yesterday, for the first time, he found himself in the presence of the King. It is said that he uttempted to load his mus-

ket in the morning, but was prevented by the vigilance of his superiors. " After divine service on the Champ <le Mars, at a short distance from the Chapel, the King, having given the signal for the troops to defile, was some four or five steps in front of his numerous staff, on foot like himself. The cavalry having passed, the troops of the line came next. Suddenly a soldier of the 3d Regiment rushes from the ranks and approaches the King. At tirst it was supposed he wished to present a petition, as is sometimes usual ; but on Hearing the King he raised his bayonet and aimed a blow at his breast. Happily, Count Francis de Latour. who camp up at full gallop with some message for the King, saw the movement and rode down the villain as he was intending a second blow. The first, happily, was aimed at too great a distance, and only made a "slight wound. The King displayed the greatest presence of mind. I lis first exclamation was, ' Poor fool ! let nothing be said to the Queen !' The latter wasin acarrioge with her children at a short distance from the general staff. The anxiety of the King was understood, and the assassin was taken away by the soldiers, who seized him with as little noise as possible. The King, after opening his coat for a moment to put a handkerchief upon the wound, mounted his horse and rode up to the Queen with a smile. He then passed through the lines of troops to gain the Casino, situated at the end of the manoeuvring ground. On his return to the Palace he received the members of the diplomatic corps, the members of the Chamber, officers, &c, who came up to congratulate him on his escape. lam told that during the reception the King was perfectly calm. At 4 o'clock hedrove out with the Queen and his children, and in the evening he held other receptions until'.) o'clock. " So much for what I have heard as truth." * " Naples, December 11. "There is nothing new to relate. Melano haß not yet been tried. It is not known whether the King will "pardon him or not. It is said this fanatic eagerly asks to be put to death. 'lf you give me life and liberty,' he says, ' I shall renew the attempt a hundred times ; and if imprisoned I shall kill myself.' He has declared that he has no accomplices in the army. He is 25years of age, and the King (whom I saw the other day, like every one else, as the Palace has been thrown open for fours days to all coiners) observed to a person near me that he was a very good-looking man. Yesterday, at the assassin's own request, his declaration was taken to the King in writing. It is full of Latin quotations. llissang froid is extraordinary. On being taken to the prison after the attempt he asked for something to eat. He had been lasting for two days ; he then set about writing at once, much to the astonishment of the soldiers who were guarding him, as on joining the regiment lie said lie did not even know how to read. Not having been able to load his musket in the morning, he had relinquished his fearful project, but on passing near the kinghecould not resist the attempt"

FRANCK AND SWITZERLAND.

(From tin.- "Times," IStli December.) The Neuchitel question forms the subject of a serious announcement in the Moniteur of yesterday. Prussia, as was already known to the world, had sought the intercession of Prance, which accordingly asked the Swiss Federal Goverement to release the Royalist prisoners, for her sake, without trial As this was to be done at the solicitation of France, it was assumed that the honour of the Federal Government would be saved, and that France would be committed to employ her good offices for a settlement of the question in conformity with the ideas of Switzerland. The offer has been declined, and the Moniteur now informs the world, with a little of that very testiness which is ascribed with some reason to Switzerlan i, that the latter must not now be surprised if she does nut find on the side of France the good will she might have obtained at a very slight sacrifice. Such a conclusion appears to us so little in harmony with the genuiue kindness which must have prompted the original intercession, that we hope it is rather overstated, and that France is not really going to follow the example of the two-disputants, and throw another point of honour into the quarrel. We had thought that the days had gone by when Europe was to lie convulsed with questions of etiquette, and when trifles light as air, of absolutely no substantial significance, were to be made the occasion of the most real and momentous disasters. If France, however, is to discontinue the mediation for the peace of her neighbours simply because one offer has been decline!, one experiment has not succeeded, one view of things not been adopted, and if the result of that express and formal withdrawal is encouragement to the stronger and discouragement to the weaker, then we feel we, have overrated the progress of liberal and rational ideas. The boast that we live in the nineteenth century does not in that case me.in quite so much as we thought. It is still possible for a world to be shaken, for a continent to be deluged with blood, for civilization to be arrested in its onward progress, on some question of mere form and manner. Whatever other charges might be brought against the allies in the late war. it could never be pretended that the matter of the quarrel was not of the gravest consequence to the whole world; and even now. when another Conference is about to assemble, there can be no doubt, at least, as to the importance of our demands. There can be as little doubt as to the utter unimportance of the matter in the Xeuchatcl question.

We feel that we have a right to speak and to be heard in this affair, seeing that on various occasions we have shown how ready we are to sacrifice dignity when our own material interest is not such as eaii be set against the general interest and peace of the world, [f Prussia, Switzerland, and Prance will refer to any American authority they will be informed that we have made it a rule to give up everything in that part of the world, when it was only a name on our side but a substance on the side of the United States. Yes. we say it emphatically, we have, during the last 20 years, given up a dozen Neuchatel sovereignties or protectorates to the Republicans of the New World. We shun the responsibility of disturbing the peace of the world for an empty title. May not Prussia do the same? May not France counsel her to do so? There was a time, indeed, when potentates thought it the chief duty of their calling, and the noblest act of their reigns, if they could write their name and plant their foot in some new territory where they neither had any material interest nor the smallest hold on the sympathies and hearty allegiance of the people. That, evident follv was redeemed, m the opinion of former aires, by the hope that they comparatively mitigated disorder by Protection. < hi that subject, as we have said, the French political economists have no occasion to enter. They have a long—a very long, way to travel before thev reach those '•serene shrine- raised by the teaching of the wise," on which Messrs. SI'OONER and Newdegate dwell, apart from the clouds of doubt, and raised far above the tempests of disputation. Many a weary kilometre has French statesmanship to travel before it reaches the beginning of that region which England has long left behind. What can be said of the state of economical science in a nation to whom the greatest improvement that could possibly happen would be to become Protectionists, to whom twilight would be dazzling as the light of day, and the light of day itself an overwhelming and overpowering splendour? The following article appeared in the Moniteur: — The great Powers signed, in 1852, at London, a protocol stating the rights of the King of Prussia on Neuchatel. The Government of the. Emperor, bound, like other Cabinets, could not, whatever interest he might take in Switzerland, disavow what he has consecrated by treaties. In IS4S a revolution took place at Neuchatel, and broke asunder the bonds which connected the canton with the King of Prussia Thai Sovereign constantly protested against the new order of things, making an express reserve of his rights, and has never ceased to raise his voice in favour of a portion of the population which complained of being oppressed by the victors. In the month id' September last, the vanquished parte endeavoured to take its revenge, invoking the name of the King. That attempt failed. The canton was occupied by the Federal troops, and the Ncuehatelois, taken with arms in hand, were brought before Swiss tribunals. The event would lead to a conflict between the. Helvetic Confederation and Prussia; for the former, in advancing troops to re-establish order m the canton of Neuchatel, pretended to fulfil a Federal obligation. Prussia, on her part, found her honour engaged not to allow men to be Iried who had raised the standard of the King, and who, according to their conviction, were fighting for right and justice. The attitude of the Government of France, from her geographical position, must necessarily have a marked influence upon the settlement of this difference. Consequently it was the. interest of both parties not to neglect anything to make sure of its support. The King of Prussia addressed himself to the Emperor, expressing to him, in emphatic language, all I he interest he felt for men compromised in his cause. He lugged his Majesty to request their liberation. communicating to him at the same time his conciliating dispositions. The French Government, happy to be able to prevent a conilict between two Powers to which it is bound by friendly intercourse, hastened to comply with the request of King Frederick William, and, strong in its good intentions towards Switzerland, and

with the knowledge of the conciliating sentiments of Prussia, it requested the liberation of the prisoners. At the same time the Government of the Emperor did not conceal the happy results which that concession might have, as it would become a sort of obligation on the part of France to prevent any armed conllict, and to event itself to obtain from the King of Prussia a linal settlement of the question conformable to the wishes of Switzerland. Unhappily, these wise considerations have not been appreciated; the counsels of France have been rejected; and the Federal Government has preferred to vielil to dcmocratical influences which are agitated around it, rather than to comply with well-meant counsels, inspired solely by the desire of effecting an amicable settlement of a question which, pending too long already, might, if more complicated, disturb the peace of Kurope. Thus France has met, on the one hand, with moderation, the sincere desire of terminating a delicate question, and a courteous deference for her political situation; on the other hand,on the contrary, a lamentable obstinacy, an exaggerated susceptibility, and a complete indifference to her counsels. Switzerland must not therefore be astonished if, in the course of events, she should no longer find that goodwill which she might so easily have obtained at the cost of a very slight sacrifice.