THE IRISH INSURRECTION.

New Zealander, Volume 5, Issue 330, 19 July 1849, Page 4 (Supplement)

THE IRISH INSURRECTION.

Tns.following letter appears in a late number of the New York Nation, It shows how the "exiled patriots" stilljpjy, aithey can, their trade of anti-British agitation : — "TO THE FJEW MEN LEFT IN IRELAND. " Nation Office, New York, Dec. 20th, 1848. "My Friends,— For two weeks past I have been reading the newspapers at present published ia Ireland and Englaud— -not, I aisure you, with satisfaction, nor any great good-will towards their editors. *' I find them chiefly occupied in the revival of the Nation, and a letter I felt it my duty to write to the Philadelphia Spirit of tbc Times, ia October last, which letter they have copied in the New York Herald, with many strange and cowardly comments. The Dublin Mail attributes it to Lord Clarendon ; the Post to the Freeman's Journal; the Freeman is dumb ai death upon it; the Wexford Independent denies, • on authority.' that I ever wrote it ; the Limerick Reporter gives ' five reasons' why I .could not have written it ; Doughs Jerrold's paper sneers at it ; Punch caricatures it ; the Tablet calls it ' a celebrated letter ;' and, for aught I know, all the papers I have not seen are equally occupied with its contents. " One like me, whose actions and place are public, cannot afford (o let some of these criticisms go unanswered. I take the charges agaiust my course to be substantially these : — " I am accused of exonerating the Catholic clergy of any share in the late movement. I do exonerate them from everything bat its failure. I repeat here, distinctly, my conviction that they made 'the movement fcil by preaching that it would fail.' May God and their country forgive them for the course they took in this last terrible trial of a too pliable people ! " I am censured for laying this, and ia that censure the Repealer and the Tory unite. The Tory blames me for exculpating them from what he calls ' treason' (that it, in plain Irish, from patriotism) ; and the Repraler, for presuming to canvass the non-conduct of so august a body of men. Miserable Repealer ! infatuated Tory ! Neither liberty, nor peace, nor prosperity, can ever enter the land where such bigotry, and servility, and men like you are found. " I am accused of ' tightening the rope round the necks of tny friends.' This is not true. There is nothing in my letter which the government did not know. Is it, indeed, pretended that there was no intention of rebellion ? Base, cawardly equivocators, do you mean to say that ? Do you dare to assert that forty years of insult and robbery, and three years of famine and extermination, and Mitchells massacre, and the gagging of the press, and the suppression of the right of meeting and the arrest of so many virtuous men, made no rebels iv Ireland ? Who are you that dare so to stigmatize the Irish nation as to proclaim that, robbed, it will not defend itself ?— spat on, it will not resent it ? — trodden on like a worm, it will not turn on the hoof that crushes it ? Is it you or me that tighten the rope ? You, who disclaim your mauhood, or I, who would nave it in its fall, and put together its fragments ? "No; if Thomas Francis Meagher and Charles Gavau Duffy were in New York, instead of where they are, Smith OBrien and all the rest would be safe enough ! Thank God Iwe hare here some timbers of the wreck ; if we had a few more, we might reconstruct on these shores, a movement more fatal to British oppression than any that can be erected in Ireland. No ! my Philadelphia letter, instead of doing them harm, I dare affirm, ia one reason why they have not been dealt with more summarily. If they had all the active Confederates in one convict ship, it would be good policy to weigh anchor and sail for Sydney ; but the escape of one-half has been the protection of the other. The re-appearance of the Nation at New York, three months after it was suppressed in Dublin, has done no h<xtm ; it has startled the villains in power of that inland, like the ghost of their victim. They sneer at jus size, its style, and its typography. These are small flatters— 4 it in the spirit that quickeneth.' For their information we can tell them that its circulation is iiearly as great as that of; the journal they so infamously suppressed, and they know well that one enemy m America ii more formidable to their commerce and their niisrul* than ten in Ireland. We have the long end here. " But why write such a letter at such a time ! .Listen : " When I arrived in the United States I saw every Irishman's bead hauglng down with shame, a sneer on «very Saxon's lip, a pitying, cold contempt in every free Republican's manner. Slievenamon was called Slieve-gt.mmon ; it was the proper synonyme for every other humbug. I found that men in the highest positions had been induced to place themselves in the public position of Irish syspathisers : judges, senators, merchants, journalists, cleigymen, nibhops, candidates or the Presidency— all had ' been drawn out on the (tide of Ireland— all had arrayed themselves against the great mercantile correspondent of this union— England. As their hopes had been high, and their words languiDe, so their vexation and disgust were intense. Many of them (my friends Dv Solle, Fisk, Dunne, and others in Philadelphia) declared that 1 owed to these gentlemen, to the New York Directory, to the Irish character itself, a written statement of the causes of 4 failure.' I wrote this letter ; it was printed in every newspaper in the Union, and the Irish name was Raved from utter scorn, and restored to some degree oi American sympathy. 11 ] wanted to show that the people in Ireland wrre not utterly degenerate. Now, tliere was only one way to save them, and that was to taka the grounds that a strong native influence was employed to hold tliem back. I took that ground ; I said the Catholic clergy have caiued ' the non-commencement of the Irish revolution ;' and I defy any man to deny the truth.' I have in my possession data enough to put it beyond all question, but I would rath-r not publish it. It is neither my object nor my wish to make a case against the cle.gy. I have made a case for Ireland, and lam katisfied. I stand by my work without regret or shame. " The Dublin Packet accuses me of deßerting the Irish policy of Davis and Duffy. I do not. Thoir means were educational— so were mine. Their policy was constructive— so is mine. They served all IreXunt I—l1 — I enlarge the field of labour, aud serve the Irish race, whether m the uland of Ireland, or out of it— of whatever creed, or grade, or calling they may be. " One feature indeed I have added— that is, the Americn. Y»an ago, in the Boston paper I then wrote for, I declared the hope of Ireland to be the growth of America. I showed that the map of this country was destined to embrace all ttie northern con-tmi-'it, and that the Republic Mould 'put iis arm <„u> s the J->thmus' before mai)V years. Oi onriell "t.iJ. -i ('""id- iou or mine, 'th.it thu Acl».ntic would t>- /'v- .hi l M','>> ufl'l o' opivi.mg politics.,' a cLu-a, i, ).,. i,,i,m j;..i o/ tin old Naivnh T>o yran ago I „ „ , | ,: mi iht , t uii. joi'nul ll'at )re'.i>ivi -waa >'w, I u^pot Jyi Aint-nca vu tint u>«t of ciie [ uever lout mi oppoiUimt) o< explaining Meter , And urging a cordial understatid- . \ great Republic. The address to Mr. m iW,~ ..... only national acknowledgment of American i ! m tiic tamint yeari— and the Dublin addreia to |

Captain Forbes were both my work. If that course o* policy makes me a ' Red Republican,' I am at red as red-hot iron, and as ill likely to cool. With this addition, the policy of this Nation is precisely the lame ai that famous jonrnal whose name it has assumed. "So far, friends in Ireland, I have felt bound to you, myself, and the truth, to explain. I will go no further at present. But I propose to addreis you a public letter through this paper, by every mail that leavei these shores far yours ; and I will endeavour, in that series, to tell you something of what a Republic ii, what it is worth, how it can be come by, the duties of citizens, and other information neceuary for you to know, whether you are to live in Ireland or emigrate here. " Meanwhile, I have the honoar to be, your sincere friend, " T. D. M'Gbb."

I Wani s a Place !— The following is a correct copy (address omitted) of an adrertiiement from the Time* Supplement, Feb. 7 :— *' Do you Want a Servant .'— Necessity prompts tbe question.— The Advertiser offers hit services to any lady or gentleman, company, or others in want of a truly faithful and confidential servant in any capacity not menial, where a practical knowledge of human nature in various parts of the world would be available. 'Could undertake any affair of small or great importance, where talent, inviolable secrecy* or good address would be necessary. Has moved in th* best and worst socie ties without being contaminated by either ; has never been a servant ; begs to recommend himself as one who knows his place ; is moral* temperate, middle-aged, no objection to any part of the world. Could advise any capitalist wishing to increase his Income and have the control of his own money. Could act ai secretary or valet to any lady or gentleman. Can give advice or hold his tongue, singi dance, play, fence, box, preach a sermon, tell a story, be grave or gay, ridiculous or sublime, or do any thing from the curling of a peruke to the storming of a citadel, but never to excel his master, Address ■SBSHVHp •WSSSWBtj IMNSMMf There can be no doubt of the individuality of the advertiser. Without a question the man ia L—d B— h— in ! Every line— we can only touch upon two or three — ia a line of likeness. He has " a practical knowledge of human nature." To be sure ; has not his L p worn stuff and horie-hair; speaning a great deiil of the one, and, to " springe woodcocks," using a good deal of the other ? Is he not equal to any affair, "small or great?" No doubt. Has not hj B L— — p brought in Tweed trowsers and the Diffusion of Knowledge ? Moved in the best and worst ' society." Here we are puzxled. 0/ course his L p means both Houses of Parliament But we must ask, which is one— and which is " t'other 1" " Can give advice or hold his tongue." Here, certainly, the likeness fails ; but we take it, this was written for a purpose; namely, to mislead the otherwise suspicious. "Dance, play, fence, bor, preach a sermon, tell a story, be grave or gay, be ridiculous or sublime." Everybody will allow that his L— — p can do and be all but the last ; the last being, in his opinion, that which he is most frequently and the best. Can " curl a peruke or storm a citadel." For a " peruke" read a Whig ; and for a •• citadel," the stronghold of Truth For what says Sir Thomas Browne 1 *' A man may be in as just possession of truth as of a city, and yet be forced to surrender." The touch conveyed in the promise " never to excel his master" is admirable in its fine knowledge of human weakaes. & There is nothing bttter in the whole of the writer's Historical Shctehes. The confession, however, that prefaces the advertisement is affecting. •• Do you want a Servant ? Necessity prompts the question." Poor L— — d B— b— m ! And is he in lucu despair of a Place ? Well, Punch benevolently copies the adevrtisement, knowing that now it must meet tbe eye ef the Ministry.

Steam Engines.— -There are 4511 piecei in a locom.. otive steafii engine, whi^h require to be put together with at much accuracy as the works of a watch. Republican Monarchs.— The diicovery of the California!) gold will enable the American Republic to supply the world with sovereigns.—- Punch.