pjouse of (ffommori*. Governor Grey.—Future Ministerial Policy towards New-Zeaiand. [From the Watchman, June 25.]

New Zealander, Volume 1, Issue 25, 22 November 1845, Page 3

pjouse of (ffommori*. Governor Grey.— Future Ministerial Policy towards NewZeaiand.

[From the Watchman, June 25.]

In the adjourned debate in the House of Commons (on the 18th June last) on the affairs of New Zealand, and Captain Grey's appointment to the Governorship of this Colony, Lord Ho wick thus expressed himself: All the House could do was to tell the Government to choose the ablest man for Governor, one that would carry the greatest authority. Let them offer such a man any advantage to induce him to go to that Colony; tell him that what was past was wrong, but leave him at entire liberty to act as he should find expedient when he arrived atthe Colony, — fetter him by no instructions— give him the largest and most unreserved powers, and let him act as ne should find expedient. They were told that the present Governor of South Australia was to be sent to New Zealand. He had heard this with some regret, — not that he did not entertain a high opinion of Captain Grey: on the contrary, he thought his administration in South Australia did him the greatest credit. But having there gained the confidence of the colony, which was Bourishing under his rule, he considered it a pity to dist urb it. He thought, too, from his rank in the service to which he belonged, his age and station, he could hardly have that weight and authority necessary to enable a governor to do all that was required by the state of New Zealand. His task would be no easy one. (Hear, hear.) He took it for granted the former absurd ordinances would not be allowed to stand good ; at the s ame time claims would have accrued under them which it would be difficult to adjust, and they ought to send someone whose name would have would have weight and authority sufficient to put down frivolous and unfounded claims. He did not, therefore, think the selection of Captain Grey altogether a wise one. One most essential thing in the new Governor would be, that he, should have very little scruple in dismissing the highly paid and incapable servants of the govern ment, by whose misconduct the present state of things had been produced. It was the abject weakness and pusilanunity of the police magistrates and commissioners which had brought on those evils, and he feared till a large proportion of those inefficients were removed the evils would not be remedied. The duties of government required in an infant settlement might be discharged by the colonists themselves, who had a slake in its welfare, either gratuitously, tor thehonoursuch functions conferred, or at all events for a small remuneration. The new Governor would require large and unlimited powers to restore order and the dominion of law in the colony. When that was accomplished he hoped they would revert to the ancient and wise policy of their ancestors, and allow the colonists to govern themselves. (Hear, hear). No doubt they would commit some mistake, perhaps serious ones; but all experience was in favour of self-government. When he looked at what their ancestors accomplished, two centuries ago, under this, and contrasted with the results of attempting to govern from Downing-street a settlement at the antipodes, he must say experience was decidedly in favour of allowing a colony io govern itself. Lord John Russel told the house on the following evening, that if the war which had begun between the two races in New Zealand ■ were much longer continued, England would , hear news respecting it, which would malce humanity shudder; and in reference to the Ministerial appointment of Captain Grey, said— You tell us that Captain Grey is to be the Governor of that colony. Now, I differ with those who say that a man of greater authority should be sent, a person who has had a longer experience in command. lam of opinion that it requires all the vigour of life to enable a man to undergo the fatigues that any Governor of New Zealand must expect. lam of opinion likewise that if you appointed a man of the rank and name of S r Heury Pottinger you could do no less thau give him absolute authority and despotic power , and I would much rather have a person of inferior name, and of a character that has not stood so many years of experience, assisted by the people of New Zcalaud themselves. (Hear, hear.) Of Captain Grey I know only the public conduct;— his reports with respect to the aborigines, and with respect to New South Wales and parts where he had been, were such as to induce me to ask him to accept the government of South Anstralia. I do not believe that I saw him before he went, but certainly 1 knew nothing of him, and have never had any private acquauuauce with him ; but in giving bun the government of South Austi alia, I gave him as difficult a problem in colonial government as could be committed to any man ; and I must say, after four or five years expeneuce oi hit. administiation there, that he has solved that problem with a degree of energy and success which I could hardly have expected from any man. (Hear, hear.) Such a man as that, if you give him good instructions to work

with, may succeed in extricating the colony, and in gaining the confidence and good will both of settlers and the aborigines. He has shown by a memoir of his that no man knows better in what manner the aboriginal natives should be trained to the usnges of civilized countries. But when you send a man to undertake this government, it is necessary that you should send him with none of your petty squabbles to carry on (hear hear) ; with no instructions to bait Colonel Wakeiield on this subject, and somebody else on the other (a laugh) ; and that is what I should expect from the present Governmen, judging from former ex perience.— (Hear, hear). Sir James Graham then entered into some explanation respecting the future policy of ministers to be carried out in New Zealand ; expressed his con currence in the opinion of Lord Howick, that the difficulties of the present state of this Colony might be traced to the contentions respecting the proprietary rights of land, and the absence of all control over the lawless spirits now in the island ; and observed that, though he did not wish to inculpate Captain Fitzroy, in order to exculpate the government, yet that officer had sufficiently disobeyed Lord Stanley's instructions to justify his recal. Mr. Hope (Under-Secretary for the colonies) observed, as to the instructions to Capt. Grey, that, considering the distance of the scene of operations, and the time that would elapse before he would be on the spot, government proposed to intimate to him their decided opinion upon the different subjects. They disapproved of the financial course taken by Captain Fitzroy — that was one of the causes of his recall. Lord Stanley also disapproved of his late proceedings on the subject of land ; that being directly inconsistent with the instructions given on the first proposal by Captain Fitzroy in March, 1844. One of the grounds oi his recall, also, was the course he had taken as to the militia bill : and another was, his not having shown sufficient firmnes and decision in proceedings with the natives. He likewise stated that Captain Grey would not go out bound by express orders to re-im-pose the customs duties. He was not bound on any other subjects expressly, but would have directions from the government to do what was possible. Sir Robert Peel remarked thus, with respect to a representative government in New Zealand : Now with respect to the future government of this colony. Looking at its distance, and the great difficulty of issuing orders from this country for its government, I for one am strongly inclined to think that representative government is suited for its condition. (Hear) It has not the objection which might apply in a penal colony ; you have rescued New Zealand at any rate, from ihe evils attending penal establishments. J speak only of the general principle ;I think there ought to be a form of government constituted for New Zealand, in connexion with those who are immediately interested in its local prosperity, assigning to them a due weight, and influence in the administration of affairs- In short, 1 cannot think what assignable interest this country can have in New Zealand, except in the promotion of its prosperity. Why, our connexion with it, depend upon it, must depend altogether upon that connexion being a profitable one. (Hear, hear,) It is impossible, at the distance we are from the country, that we can seek any advantage m a connexion with New Zealand except that which may result from reciprocal interest, and, above all from the promotion of local prosperity, (Hear, hear.) At the same time, it is impossible not to see the great advantages of a representative government. Considenngthe distance of the settlements that are extenaed over the northern island, it -would be no easy matter now to apply the principle of representative government according to the construction we place upon it. I believe that by far the best plan would be the formation of municipal governments, with extensive powers of local taxation, and powers of meeting all local demands to he established in the first instance. In the opinion of Mr. Burke the forms of representative government in North America did grow directly out of those municipal institutions, j am inclined to think that the germ of represent at've governments oughtto be municipal institutions, widening their spheres by degrees.

Alluding to the suggestions of proprietary government, the Right hon. Baronet observed : I do not thinkit would be wise to adopt the suggestion 0/ the New Zealand Company, to make a proprietary government here. I believe the best form of government will be that the Crown here should superintend the external regulations of that country, and that the local (executive* government should manage the internal affairs of the colony. Would you have three authorities established? Would you have the Crown and the Company, each exercising control over the local government? This is a system of government, so untried and so anamalous, that I cannot think success would attend it. (Hear, hear ) I believe that a very short interval, would jelapse before the local popular representative government would deny the authority of the New Zealand Company ; and would find it no easy matter to retain that authority. Therefore that system of proprietary government, which implies control] over the local government, to be provided by the Crown, is one which I believe would be attended with no good result.

Regarding the New Zealand Company, lie said : With respect to the New Zealand Company, I think it important that they should retain in fall exercise the powers committed to them with regard lo settlement and commerce. 1 believe that Company may be made a useful instrument of Government, not exercising any control over the local Government, but as a great commercial company, acting on enlightened principles, and assisting thu executive Government in devibing means of emigration and employment for the surplus population of this country. (Hear, hear.) 1 do not despair that that relation will be esta-

blished between the Government and the Company 5 and, without committing any part of the administration of the Government to them, they will exist as a Company acting in concert and harmony with the Government, as a useful instrument in promoting emigration. (Hear, hear.) Sir Robert then very feelingly alluded to the necessity of Governor Fitzroy's removal from the government of New Zealand, and expressed Ms warm approbation of Captain Grey's appointment, in the following terms* For the personal character of Capt. Fitzroy, I must avow I entertain a high respect, and for the difficulties of his position I must make great allowances (cheers) ; yet we have signified in the most formal and authoritative manner that of his conduct in the administration of the affairs of this colony we do not approve; and with reluctance, but in the performance of a necessary duty, we have removed him from a post, which he undertook exclusively from the highest and most patriotic motives. We have shown, therfore, in the first instance, no desire to consult the feelings or interests of a friend, to the prejudice of the interests of the colony. We have made, or contemplate, the immediate appointment of a successor. The policy of the appointment has been questioned by some ; but, I apprehend, the highest authority with regard to his qualifications must be the noble lord who selected that gentleman for the office he'now fills. And what is the character he gives of him ? That on» of the greatest difficulties of government which had to be solved was to be found in the position of South Australia, that for it, he selected Captain Grey, and that Captain Grey entirely succeeded, and overcame difficulties which appeared insuperable, by his discretion, his energy, and his judgment. We propose to commit to Capt. Grey the solution of these yet greater difficulties. It is objected that he is a young man. At any rate, he is five years o\derthanhewas when he undertook the difficulty which the noble lord felt to be so weighty. (Hear, hear.) He has had the benefit of all the intervening experience which he has acqxiired in the attempt to solve that problemn. (Hear.) But some gentlemen tell us that he is not of high rank enough. As if those native chiefs did not attach much more importance to the past success and the character and energy of a man, than to the conventional rank which he may hold! (Hear, hear.) He holds the rank only of a captain in her Majesty's army ; but he has been eminently successful in rescuing a colony from difficulty, and we select him for the command. The noble member for Sunderland may ask that we ought to have taken a man of higher rank in the army ; but surely the true qualifications for this post are past success, and confidence in the character and judgment of the individual in question. (Hear, hear.) But we have not had the benefit of personal communication with him. Why, I must say, that personal communication with governors 'litherto has not been very successful in enabling us to overcome the difficulties of the problem. The nolile lord, I believe, had the opportunity of personal communication with Captain Hobson. [Lord J. Russell. — " No ; Lord Normanby had."] ,Oh ! the noble lord surely must not make these distinctions between Lord Normanby and himself. [Lord J. Russell. — " I had no personal communication with him."] But the Secretary of State in in that Government of which the noble lord was ,the organ in the House of Commons had. (Hear, hear.) He had also the opportunity of personal communication with Mr. Spain upon the'duties of aland commissioner, and we had the opportunity of similar communication with Captain Fitzroy. Ido not mean to say that it may not he in many cases an advantage ; but you have a governor administering the affairs of a colony comparitively near to this, and a man so eminently qualified as Captain Grey, a man who <bas studied the affairs of 'the colony, and has recently written upon the subject with the utmost judgment and good sense, I cannot think that the circumstance of his absence from this country constitutes any disqualification for the command. (Hear, hear.) The noble lord says he presumes we shall give Mm instructions to enter into personal sauabbles with Colonel Wakefield ; I must say 1 think this is a most unworthy suggestion. (Cheers.) We shall give him- the assurance of entire confidence ; we shall entrust to him, so far as is consistent with the constitution and law o* this country, an unfettered discretion, laying down no doubt the general principle by which we think be ought to be guided in the difficulty of issuing instructions at such a distance, under the circumstances in which that colony is placod, the discretion he will have will be unfettered by any particular instructions, (//ear, hear.)

The New Zealand Company has, at length, met with that public exposure which it justly merited. A more censurable mode of proceeding —a line of conduct productive of a larger amount of mischief and injiny, —has rarely been adopted by any public body, or association of individuals. Jn defiance of the Government, in utter contempt of its authority, the, Company undertook the colonization of New Zealand upon a large scale ; it sold tens of thousands of acres of land in that country, to intending emigrants in this, before it had acquired for itself a title to the land thus sold } and it induced hundreds and thousands of individuals to forsake their native land, and risk their wordly all on the most specious professions. As an inevitable result, the bubble has at length burst j numbers of those who had been induced to emigrate to New Zealand have been reduced to beggary and ruin; and by the desparate attempt at Wai ran to coerce the natives into a surrender of lands to which no rightful claim, had been established on behalf of the Company, as'well as by other irritating measures, the danger of a war between the two races of Whites and Natives has been created, which, judging from the character of the New Zealander, wolild if once fully entered upon, prove a war of extermination. Brought at length to a dead stand, the advocates of the Company, with an audaciousness and effrontery not often parallelled turn round upon the Government, and charge it as the author of all the accumulated evils which nqyv afflict New Zealand, while they would excite universal sympathy in favour of the Company as the alleged object of Government persecution. Thanks to their temerity for forcing the subject, upon the attention of Parliament. The true merits of the question will, from henceforth, be better understood, by all who read the debates in the House of Commons, and the real authors of the miseries of New Zealand, will stand unmasked in the light of day. To the charge that they had renounced their former principles arid professions, the represent tatives of the Company in Parliament could not make any reply. But the fact which they tacitly admitted is, of itself, sufficient to destroy all confidence in any public body whatever. When the Company, under its former title of the New Zealand Association, first came into notice, it appeared under the garb of the purest aud most exalted philanthrophy. The proceedings of the

old colonists were denounced as cruel and unjust, and the fate or the wretched Aborigines, who had been swept away as Colonization advanced, was most pathetically bewailed. It was proposed to introduce a system altogether new ; a new era of colonization was to be commenced ; and the natives of New Zealand were to be treated with kindness and respect} not an acre of land was to be obtained from them but by purchase,^ with their " perfectly understanding consent ;" the chieftains weie to be distinguished as a kind of nobility ; an amalgamation of the two races of natives and colonists was to be promoted, and every kind of means was to be used to raise the natives to an equality with their white friends. How unblushingly those high sounding pretenfcions have been practically disregarded ib, alas, too well know n ! In the journals and other publications winch advocate the Company 'h claims, the natives of New Zealand have long been denounced in the language of contempt and execration : and what we ask, has been the object of the present violent struggle on the- part of the Company but to obtain possession of the land of the New Zealanders, not only without their " perfectly understanding consent/ but in opposition—as in the case of Wairau— to their manifest determination not to part with it. Well, might the Parliamentary Advocates of the Company, on this point, allow judgment to go against them by default; and well will it be ll the public of this country have received the lasting impression that the schemes of commercial speculators ate not to be adopted without examination, simply because they may be recommended with the professed view of promoting the cause of humanity, and the interests of the uncivilized aborigines of distant lands. The unfounded chargesof the Company against ] ord Stanley, on the alleged ground that he had Tjolated the agreement previously made by Lord John Russell, his predecessor in the Colonial l!)epaitment, have been now, as we should tliir.L', sufficiently exposed. Lord John Russeli, in his speech during the debate, notwithstanding his obvious dissatisfaction with Lord Stanley's administration of New Zealand allairs, was not able, with all his ingenuity, to put such a construction upon his own official acts, as would sustain the Company's pretensions. His Lordship, could not deny, that he signified his unqualified approbation of the Treaty of Waitangi, with the full knowledge that that Treaty secured to the New Zealanders the undisturbed possession of their lands. He had nothing to say in reply to Sir J. Graham, when the tight hon. Baionet, told him that, in the charter, which he (Lord J. Russell,) subsequently gave, his lordship must have intended, by the lands which the natives, he alJowed, had the right to sell, other lands than those localities vihere they actually resided ; because, by the provisions of an act, sanctioned by the noble lord himself, the natives were positively prohibited from selling the localities vt hich they actually occupied as their residences. And when his Lordship came to explain his agreement with the Company, for the alleged violation of which Lord Stanley had been so severely blamed, it turned out, that the agreement was materially different from the Company's representation of it. He stated , that when he made that agieement, lie undei stood that the Company had acquired valid titles from the natives, to large tracts of land in New Zealand, and th,it the Directors were ready to allow all rights under that purchase to cease, and to surrender the whole of the lands to the Crow n ; and with tLis understanding, what he engaged to do was, to restore to the Company, under titles from the Crou n, such portions of the land thus surrendered as they might desire to unpy, on " terms similar lo those granted to other persons and companies who had colonized, or carried emigrants to New South Wales." Now the event proved that this agreement was founded in misunderstanding. The Company had not acquired valid titles to all the lands in questions ; they could not therefore, surrender to the Crown what they did not possess ; the Crown could not in consequence, restore, with a new title, and on the conditions fcpecified in the agreement, vtaat had nevet been surrendered to it ! — and then, because Lord Stan would not do what the agreement never cojitemplatod — namely, take away from I he natives, and give lo the Company, large tract;, of land to which the Company had no rightful claims,— the representatives of the Company vituperate Lord Stanley in the most violent manner, and bring him before Parliament on the charge of having volated Lord John Knssell's agieement! This shameless attempt has however, been completely defeated j and it has been rightfully decided, by the vet diet of the House of Commons, that Lord Stanley has only been acting according to the demands of justice, and the dictates of humanity ; and has thus entitled himself to increased confidence and support. The condemnation of the resolutions of the Parliamentary Committee on New Zealand, of ihe last session, as submitted in Mr. Bullet's motion, is another important result of the late debute. In those .iniquitous lesolutions— for iniquitous we are constrained to call them, — it was asserted, on the principles assumed to have been laid down by "Vatlel, that the New Zealanders lmd no ligbtful claim to the soil of their country, except, however, to the spots where they might be actually located ; the Treaty of Waitaugi which recognized the right of the natives to the •whole of the soil, was condemned ; and the recommendations given, were in reality, advice to get rid of the Treaty, or to evade, a» far as possible, its provisions, with as much quietness and speed as circumstances would allow. We have said, that these resolutions were founded on principles assumed to have been laid down by Vatiel ; but we areprepaied to deny that the resolutions of the Committee are actually supported by such respectable authority. We have read Vattel for ouiselvea, and therefore are not disposed to receive his opinions at second hand. Thts theory of Vattel undoubtedly is, that the earth is given for the use of mankind, and that no portion of the human family has a right to claim for itself a larger tenitory than is necesb«iry for its on n want*, and leave other communities of men in a state of compai alive destitution, m consequence of their being lestrained ■vuthiu too narrow limits. But the practical reductions by which be regulates the applica

tion of this theory have leen overlooked. The first guard against wanton aggression which he mtei poses is found in the following passage: " The whole earth is destined to feed its inhabitants, but this it Mould be incapable of doing if it were uncultivated. Every nation is then obliged by the law of nature to cultivate the land that has fallen to its share ; and it has no right to enlarge its boundaries, or to have recourse to the assistance of other nations, but in propoitum as the land in its possession is incapable of furnishing it with necessaries." (Book L. . chap. 7,) Now, it may be fairly questioned whether Vattel would not require, that before the English should seek to possess themselves of the lands of other people, they ought fiist to bring into cultivation those extensive tracts which ate now reserved by the noble houses to which Lord John Russell, and Lord Ho wick, the chairman of the Parliamentary Committee, belong, and by otheis of the aristocracy, rnerel) for the preset vation of game, and for purposes of pleasure; for he elsewhet c lays it down as a principle, — "That individuals are not so perfectly free in the eco.nomy or management of their affaiis, as not to be subject to the laws and regulations of police made by the Sovereign. For instance, If vineyards are multiplied to too great an extent, in a country which is in want of corn, the Sovereign may forbid the planting of the vine in fields proper for tillage; for here the public welfare and the safety of the state are concerned " (Book 1.~ chap. £0.) If, then Vattel insists, in the first instance, that a nation must cultivate all its own land, before it meddles with the soil of its neighbour?, and if he maintains, in the next place, that even the cultivation of the vine must be restrained when it unduly interferes with the growth of corn, which is the principal means of support, it would require some skill to prove that Vattel would authoiise our taking away the lands of the New Zealanders, until the lands now reserved in this country only for the purposes of pleasure, had a\\ been subjected to the operation of ' lUC plough. At all events, we are confident that nothing can be found in Vattel to warrant the plan of making colonization a mere matter of commercial spe culation. We challenge the most acute special pleader in the service of the New Zealand Company, tn k shew, that the English are authorised by Vattel to run over all the aboriginal countries of the earth in succebsion, and having founded coJouie9 in Noith America, South Africa, Van Dieman's Land, and Australia, then to leave numberless millions of acres in those countries uncultivated, and set up, in the spirit of commercial cupidity, another colony in New Zealand, which could only be expected to prosper at the expense, if not the ruin, of the other colonies, more especially of the newly formed colonies in Australia. Shame on the men who would endeavour to shelter such wanton and unrighteous proceedings under the authority of Valtel ! Another of the restrictions imposed by Vattel takes New Zealand altogether out of the category of countries, the supurabnndantsoil of which may be appropriated by nations having become too populous for their own territories. Nations which need more land for their own suppoit, can only, according to his views, lawfully take possession of the land of " uninhabited countries," or "some portions of a vast country, in which there ate none but en.itic nations, who live by hunting, liahmg, and wild fruits." But this description does not apply to New Zealand, — Lord John Russell himself being the judge. In a despatch addressed to Captain Hobson, on the 9th December, IS4O, quoted by Mr. Cardwell in the late debate, his lordship remarks— "The aborigines of New Zealand will I am convinced, be the objects of your constant solicitude, as certainly there is no subject connected with New Zealand which the Queen and every class of her Majesty's subjects in this kingdom regard with more settled and earnest anxiety Amongst the many barbarous tribes with which our extended colonial empire brings us into contact in different parts of the globe, there are none whose claims on the protection of the British Crown rest ongronuds stronger than those of the New Zealanders. They are not mere wanderers over an extended surface, in search of a precarious subsistence ; nor tribes of hunters, or o? herdsmen; but a people amongst whom the arts of government have made some progress : who have established, by their own customs, a division and appropriation of the soil; who are not without some measure of agricultural skill, and a certain subordination of ranks ; with usages having the character and authority of law." On this single authority, without citing any more witnesses, we rest the conclusion, that New Zealand is not one of those countries ftom {the inhabitants of which, in the judgment of Vattel, the English can lawfully take away the land, unless, however, by lair and equitable purchase. We have only one more quotation to make from Vattel. Although he states, that a nation wanting more land, may take possession, without pui chase, of uninhabited lands in a vast country, where there are none but erratic nations, he takes oil' to a great extent, the force of even this admission, by his concluding enconiums upon the first English settlers in America. "However," he says "we cannot help praising the moderation of the English Puritans who first settled in New England, who, notwithstanding their being furnished with a charter from their Sovereign, purchased fiom the Indians the lands of which they intended to take possession. This laudable example was followed by William Perm and the Colony of Quakers that he conducted to Pennsylvania." How different is the spirit which this quotation breathes from that which pervades the resolutions of the last Parliamentary Committee on New Zealand ! Vatlel, although teaching that a nation needing more land, may take possession purchase, of portions of land in a vast country inhabited only by erratic nations, — dwells with pleasure and approbation on the" laudable example "set by the first English colonists in America, who purchased from the Indians the lands which they occupied ; but the late Parliamentary Committee speak in a sttain of censure on the Treaty of Waitangi, because it secures, or is interpreted, as securing to the New Zealanders their claims upon the soil ; claims which, if Lord John Russell's, description of the New Zealandprs is true, must be admitted to be as valid as are the claims of the head of his Lordship's own noble house, upon the waste and uncultivated lanos which lie calls his oitn. We are thankful however, that these resolutions deceptively based upon the profe&sed authority of Vattel, have been alter full deliberation, and lengthened discussion, form Ally and authoiitdtively disclaimed by the

Ilouseof Commons, which has thus branded them with the repiobation they 90 richly deserved. We cannot conclude, without otteiing a word of congratulation to our Missionary friends, on the Pailiamentary confirmation of the Treaty of Waitangi. They had a deep stake in the issue of the question. " Whether the treaty were the wisest measure which could have been devised, is not the question now to be discussed. The government of that clay thought it was; and they effected its formation chiefly by means of the Missionaries of the Chinch of England and Wesleyan Societies. Had it not been for their exertions, the treaty would never have had an existence. The natives believed the missionaries, when they repeated the assurance of Her MajesU's lepresentative, that their lands would be inviolably secured to them, and therefore signed the treaiy, by which they gave up the sovereignty to the British Crown. In the passage from one of Captain llobson's despatches, quoted by Sir R. Peel, the decision of the assembly of chiefs, in favour of signing the treaty, is ascribed to the eloquence of Nene, a WesJeyan chief, from the Hokianga, who together with Patuone, another influential chief, had been conducted across the island by the missionaries of the Wesleyan Society, So fully had the character of the missionaties been pledged b) their endeavours to secure 1 lie signatures of the chiefs, that had the public f«uth of this countiv been violated by the rejection or practical evasion of the treaty, the missionaries would certainly have been regarded by the natives as their betrayeis, — their influence and their usefulness would have been lost. — Thank God, the House of Commons has righteously decided that the national faith shall be maintained j and we hope, that ere long the cloud which has hung over New Zealand, \vilj_ s . sipated, and that all will % >>J m " oe W eil,

Reduction of Postage between Ceylon a\d China— lmpokt-vn ['Post-Office Notice. Yesterday (Tuesday) the following important "instruction" to postmasters and letter-recei-ve-s, and notice to the public was issued from the General Post Office; — "A line of mail steam-packets being about to be established between Ceylon and Hong Kong in connection with the direct Calcutta mail, which is despatched from England on the 20th and 24th of the month, all letters and newspapers for Hong Kong ane China, with the exception ofthose which may be specialy addressed via Bombay via Calcutta via Madras, or by any other port in India, or by ' private ship/ will, in future be transmitted from this country with the Indian mail of the 20th and 2-kh of the month. Letters and newspapers for Hong- Kong and China, forwarded by the new line, will not be liable to the additional rates of 4d. on letters, and 2il. on newspapers now levied on account of the East India Company. W however, any letters or newspapers arespecialy addressed to Hong Kong or China, via Bombay via Calcutta, via Madras, or by any other port in India, the) r will be subject to the additional rates alluded to. By command of the Postmaster-General. —General Post Office, June 1845." The French and English Governments, have arranged to employ twenty-six French and twenty-six English cruisers for ten years on the coast of Africa, to burn, sink, and destroy "every craft engaged in the ' hideous aud iniquitous' slave trade." It appears that notwithstanding the distinction made by an Act of Parliament, between sugar the produce of free and slave labour, that the Venezuelans claim, by virtue of a subsisting treaty, to have their slave grown sugar admitted free. America demands the privelege for Louisiana, and it is complied with, while according to the treaty of Utrecht, concluded between England and Spain in 1 7 15, and renewed down to 1814, the subjects of the respective countries trading with each o'her, are entitled to the priveleges of the most favored nations. The Spanish minister demands iv consequence, that the sugars of Cuba, Porto Rico, as also those of iroa, Clii.m, and Manila, shall bejadmited on the same terms. r Thus is the intention of the Act virtually defeated* Fatal accident toColonel Shelton — On Saturday evening-, a melanr-holy and fatal accident orcuned to Colonel Sue-Itou, commanding the 44th Regiment in Dublin. It appears tliat the Colonel left his quarteis at Richmond barracks for the purpose of taking a ride, and the hoise he mounted, belonged to a brother officer, being a very spirited animal started oft" at a quick pace. Being an excellent hoiscnan, although having but one arm, Colonel Shelton did not mind the speed at which the horse was proceeding, and turned towards the large arch which loads to one of the principal squares. The animal, however, suddenly tiied to make for its btable, and, when prevented, ran between the cook-house and the wall, where there is a narrow passage, and a sharp angle. The unfoitunate gentleman's head was dashed against the wall, and the force of the concussion threw him off on the stone pavement. The horse also fell, and on endeavouring to »egain Us feet struck him in the chest. Colonel Shelton. whose accident was seen by several peisons, was at once picked up, and carried to his quarters, but quite insensible, the injuries on the head, being of a most serious kind, and a portion of the brain protruding through the, ear. The medical olficets ot the regiment at once paid the most assiduous attention to the gallant sufferer, but he expired on Tuesday afternoon, Colonel Shelton was with the 4ith all through the disastrous campaign in Afghanistan, and was one of the Cabool captives. He was at the battles of Roleia, Vimiera, and Cornnna, and several of the most remarkable engagements in the Peninsula. He served in the Canadian campaign in 1S14; and was aftervvaids upwards of twenty years in India, where be was distinguished for valour and high military attainments. He lost Ins right arm in the capture of St. Sebastian.