England and Germany

North Otago Times, Volume C, Issue 13148, 1 September 1914, Page 7

England and Germany

F " A SOCIALIST'S WARNING. STIRRING ARTICLES BY ROBERT BLATCHFORD.

j rho aulhoi of these m tides is the bpbt-known lcadci of the English So cmlisls, ami is one of the foundois of tlio iilodcin Socialist movement in Bn turn, Under the nom de gucno of "Nunqmim'/ he wiolc "Meiiio Eng land," of ffhich ono ami a hall million copies htivo been sold. Ifo is cditoi of The CJlanon, uhich is by gonoial consent the ablest ami most inlliiciitial of Socialist now mils; and he is. ni.i*>toi of a stylo that'for vigour and tcrsoncss has been surpassed by no English writer since the days of Cobbott. [ln' view of the present Euro- .: jiciin crisis, a scries of articles which appeared in. the London ' Daily Mail some years ago are of absorbing ■ interest. There .. arc cloven in all, and wo pro- • pose republishing tlicm in the coliiinns of "The North Otago . Tillies." The first of the series ■ appeared On Wednesday, ■ Aug- ■■ ust 2(ith.] ■■■■'.■■ ■'• ■■': VI.-ARMAGEDDON: THE GREATER • ' DANGER. " Mr Balfour once declared that the problem of imperial defence was the problem of the defence of Afghanistan. But times have. Changed since then, and I. shall propose an amendment'to the following effect: , The problem of British defence is

would be calculated to ovhaust the pa 1 licncc of the (Jciman people I But i\c not an Aimy of half 'a million to send; and a two Powoi bt.uulaid Fleet could not help Fiance noi dcteml the Dutch and Belgium. ' That is nhat J call thogicatm and ueaici danger, the dangci ot a,Fiendi ilcieat bv Geimany. "While such adc feat is possible the Gcimans have no need to nslc an invasion ot Biltam They can defeat Britain without lighting her. • The old theory of splendid isolation can be no longer held by Britain. An Empire like ours .cannot' stand aloof from the struggle of Europe. The balance, of power means more to us to-day than it over "meant. ■A. German 'Empire' embracing Germany, Holland, Belgium, Austria, and perhaps Turkey, and having ports.and fortresses at Calais, Cherbourg, Trieste, Antwerp, and Amsterdam, would wipe us out; would defeat and conquer us without liring a shot. Our Fleet would go; our trade would go; our colonics would go; India would go. We should sink into the position of what' one of our Cabinet Ministers calls "the conscript appanage of a stronger Power." . I am. treating this problem, from the point of view of self-interest alone. I need only hint in passing f that there is a nobler and more human aspect of the case. The downfall of France would be a calamity for civilisation!France is and long has been, the leader in.literature and art, in most of the beauties and graces of civilised Mifo. It would be an evil day for the world should France be' Germanised or Anglicised or liussiaiiiscd. We owe France much, we admire her much, we respect and lovß-hcr much; our hope is that she may remain France: Fiance happy and free and gallant and proud. Fraueo great in art, in arms, in science, and in letters,

the defence of France. There it is: the greater danger, the nearer danger than the danger of a German invasion of England, is the danger of a German invasion of France. A German writer, quoted by nlc in a previous article, says Hint directly Germany i'ecla herself 'menaced she will strike, and France will be her victim, lie continues thus:

Unhappy 'France! The British Navy may destroy the German Fleet and ruin German foreign trade. But nothing on earth can 'prevent the German irom ovcr-ninning France from Paris to Lyons ami from the English Channel to the Mediterranean. The French arc labouring under a dangerous delusion if they suppose that Germany would bo satisfied with an indemnity at the Icrmi-' nation of such a war. \ German would take permanent possession of. the northern provinces of the French Ecpublic, thereby gaining access to the sea at Calais and. Boulogne, while Belgium and Luxembourg would be annexed to complete the triumph of, the TeutoM.

But then, again, to keep the position clear, I must say that we would not sec Russia or Germany injured ot humiliated. Let each people keep its honour and its freedom, realise its own genius, fulfil its own destiny. Keep, to that end, the balance of power. Arm and unite against any attempt on the part of any one Power to impose onerace Cicsarism or Bismarcluan domination upon the rest of Europe. In the past we had to resist France: we had .to resist Spain. Bide by side with Germany we fought against Bonaparte at Waterloo. To-day we have to stand by Franco or fall when she falls. We cannot escape our fate. AVo must uphold France or partake of her humiliation and share her'ruin. That is why the Blue Water school is wrong; that is why the strongest Navy will wt serve our turn; that is why' fhc'Wrer. aiuh.lhc. greater .danger for as is not the invasion of Britain but the invasion of France; that is why the problem of the defence of Britain is the problem of the defence of France.

Now, what do the Blue.Water school say to that? Supposing France attacked and conquered, by Germany, how would our Fleet prevcut tliQ.au-. n'exation of Calais and Cherbourg i And what could our Fleet do to prevent the Gernian conquest of France') As for Belgium and Holland, there would be no need for Germany to annex them. AVilli Calais in German hands the Netherlands would be quietly absorbed.

That is why wo must Imvo an Army as well as a Navy.

Then Germany would have Calais at one end of the Channel and Cherbourg at the other. Also she would have Amsterdam and Rotterdam ai*l Antwerp, which Napoleon' said was like it pistol pointed at the heart of England. Also she would have the Dutch Navy and the Dutch craftsmanship. Then I'Vnncc would lie it crippled. Power, and Britain would be unable to keep pace with the German output of battleships and sailors, .......:, ,'

That, I believe, is what lay heavy at the heart of Lord ■Roberts and the Cabinet Ministers when they spoke darkly of impending danger. That is what the British people do not understand and ought to understand while there is time to avert the threatened doom. To be Published To-morrow:; -' VII.-THE TASK.

That is why I, say that the problem of British defence is the problem of the defence of France . Whether or not we, form ait offensive ittut defensive alliance with France the result is tho.sa.me: the defeat of France is the defeat, of Britain., The downfall of France is the dp'nfaN of the British Empire. The aggrandisement of Germany is the humiliation of Europe,

Now let us.ask ourselves whether the defeat of, Franco by. Germany is possible, The Germans feel sure of it. The French apparently believe it; for it is not long since France was challenged by .Germany and. declined the combat. . :•., .

The French: have a grand army: numerous; gallant, hardy, and well trained, But,the impression in military; circles seems to be that France lacks the German perfection . of organisation- and readiness. '.

Perhaps' the presence of a great• general, a Moltke or a Napoleon, on either side would make the difference. . But that may not be known until the war begins., If Germany has the-great commander France is. lost; if France has the groat commander Germany may suffer a disastrous repulse; But so fa." as we nitty judge the chances are in favour.

Now'j should France prove unequal to tlic task of repelling a Gcrnum invasion, the Bluo iWater school woulil bo helpless. Our Navy could do nothing. - No, To make France secure, and in doing that to make oursolvcs secure, wo should need a lirst-class British' Army of at least halt* a million men—a million wou(d be better. With, a British force'! of half a" million men in Bclgiuu'i audi /Holland,' with the French, British, atitl Dutch Fleets united, Russia, Franco's ally, niiglit attack Gerfmany on the eastern frontier. Then if Austria ami Italy camo in wo should have Armageddon, Now, the Blue Water school have loft, Armageddon out of their calculations.

The Germans arc a brave, stubborn, well disciplined people, very/obedient to their rulcis. But it is doubtful whether they would allow themselves to bo iliiveu into a war so desperate and so unprovoked. A wanton invasion of. Prauco without the pretext of a quarrel would not; one may suppose, bcipopular in Germany, even under present conditions; but a universal European conflict, provoked by the ambition 'of the \l\in-GjPrmanic Party,