GOVERNMENT DRY NURSING. "Nelson Examiner," July 15.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXX, Issue 28, 5 August 1871, Page 3

GOVERNMENT DRY NURSING. " Nelson Examiner," July 15.

Among the many things that are to be deplored iv the administration of the affairs of this colony by those who have at present got possession of the helm, thei'e are few things more melancholy than their views upon political economy. We are not prepared to say what from this point of view Mr. Fox may be. He used to be a free trader ; as he was at one time a favourer of the maxim that a country should measure its expenditure by its revenue and not plunge into immoderate and perilous operations of borrowing. But Mr. Fox within, the* last twelve months has been unsaying much of what he used to say, and remodelling his political creed in obedience to the influences of a more dominating and active intellect. "Whatever Mr. Zox may think of the matter as an individual Minister, or even as Prime Minister, Mr. Vogel at all events is an avowed protectionist ; and we are accordingly justified in assuming that the action of the Ministry will be in the direction of protective duties and a high scale of taxation. The present Superintendent of Wellington, in proroguing his Council the

other day, gave "no uncertain sound " lon the subject of taxation. He gave his [ Council to understand, that in his view of i the matter taxation was rather a good thing than otherwise. The desire to reduce or limit it was . consequently a weak and senseless superstition. Mr. Fitzherbert spoke as follows : — I speak upon reflection when I say, that I regard as a popular fallacy the belief that the prosperity of a country ia always in an inverse ratio to the extent of its taxation. / believe, on the contrary, that the rule is that the progress and , prosperity of a new country is in direct ratio to the entent of its taxation, provided always that the produce of taxation is expended on works of useful development. We have no exact knowledge of the composition of the Wellington Provincial Council ; we are not aware of the amount of intelligence which it possesses, or of the extent of its sense of humour; but assuming these to be of the average quality, we cannot help thinking that the reporter has failed to add (what must really have occurred) that the Hon. Superintendent's speech was received with an imperfectly suppressed desire to indulge in immoderate laughter. If nothing of this sort really happened, there is very strong evidence of an overwhelming sense of respect for the dignity of the Superintendent of Wellington, and the profoundly sagacious character of his utterances. But the Independent newspaper, the inspired organ of the Ministry, is delighted with the doctrine. It echoes and applauds. These, says -the Independent, are precisely the views that we have been preaching, • and that are held by our masters, the present Ministers :—: — "His Honours remarks," says the Independent of the 3rd July, "so entirely coincide with what for several months back we have been endeavouring to enforce and illustrate in our leading columns, and are so tersely put that we reprint them in full." Until Mr. Yogel arrives, (for possibly his arrival may put a different aspect upon the question), we are justified in assuming that we have the advantage of being governed by a set of gentlemen who consider taxes rather a good thing than otherwise. It is but fair however to state that the general proposition is modified by a proviso. It is added, provided that the taxes thus raised are applied to reproductive purposes. Let us see what the proposition means, even when guarded by this proviso. There are various forms of Government, and many different views of the nature aud duties of governing bodies. At one end of the scale we find Great Britain and her offshoots; at the other end, the despotisms of the East. Between the two, there are many and instructive gradations. In Great Britain, the practice has been to leave to the individual the utmost liberty of action. Englishmen dont believe in the interference of Government. They are accustomed and able to help themselves. They have an extreme intolerance of excessive taxation ; and are constantly striving to make their taxes as light as possible. They hold that a .high scale of taxation impedes production by pressing upon the springs of industry, and tends to impoverish the country. Under this system Britain has become what we see her. The private enterprise of her sons has covered her surface with iron roads, and has constimeted a mercantile navy which is without a rival. She has developed wealth in an increasing ratio of progress that is almost fabulous. Within the last twelve months, a single Englishman has died, and bequeathed to his heirs an inheritance of upwards of seveu millions of money. In all material matters her advance has been most striking. But, more precious than all this, it is to this system that we may fairly ascribe the development of those moral qualities of manliness, courage, and self-reliance which have become a part of the English nature, and to which, above everything, she owes it that she is the country that we have described her to be. On the continent of Europe, to go no further, a somewhat different system prevails. The Superintendent of Wellington and our present Ministers would be more at home there. They would find themselves to a much greater extent the objects of the care of a paternal Government. Their railroads would be made by the State instead of by private enterprise. Their Crystal Palaces, their public buildings, their streets and roads would be made for them out of borrowed money, with the repayment of which the general revenue of the country would be burdened. In

a hundred different directions they would find things done by salaried gentlemen in uniform, which in England would be done by private gentlemen in mufti, and this again could not fail to be most gratifying to our Government as running parallel with their practice. The doctrines of the Superintendent of Wellington and his Ministerial admirers are not of British growth, or iv accordance with British practice. They are the outcome of the official mind warped by long restraint in harness. In practice, this pervading interference of Government would lead to the impoverishing of the country, tend to render its people -helpless and effeminate, and destroy all enterprise and self-reliance. We could agree with Mr. Fitzherbert that there are certain public works which should be the care and concern of the collective community. But as to the extent of these works, it is clear that there is between us the utmost divergence of opinion. We would aim at making them as few as possible, and laying the lightest possible burdens upon the community. Mr. Fitzherbert and the Ministry propose to do everything for us, and are preparing our minds for the entertainment of propositions for the necessary fresh taxation. Our belief is that no country will advance or develop a manly, moral character without the existence of healthy private enterprise^ For we hold that the power of production decreases in the same ratio as taxes are imposed ; and it is absurd to suppose that any given sum of money will yield the same results in the hands of Government as it will when applied by the individual owners under the powerful incentive of their own self-interest. Mr. Fitzherbert's views are not those of the most enlightened teachers of political economy. But they are the belief of our present rulers, and are being put in practice under the operation of the measures resolved upon last session. It will not be one of the least of the evils of that most insane scheme, that it will demoralize the colony. Nothing can be more likely to destroy all the manly virtues of a community t'hau a continued course of official dry-nursing, and the habit of running to the Government when anything is to be done.