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WELLINGTON POLITICAL GOSSIP. [FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.] Wellington, July 24, 1869.

• On Tuesday Mr. Dignan asked the Premier, Whether it was the intention of the Government to take the necessary steps for the establishment of a mint in New Zealand? Mr. Fox replied that the Government sympathised with the object the honourable ; member had in view, and believed that in course of time, if a mint were established, it would be of considerable profit to the colony. In Sydney the cost , of buildings and plant was £50,000, and the salaries amounted to £5,000 a-year. The annual issue was ; 800,000 sovereigns, and yet the establishment was not self-supporting, and as the New Zealand issue would be much smaller, ho feared that it would not be a profitable speculation. On Wednesday, Major Brown brought the question of privilege, of winch he had given notice, under the consideration of the House. He made a somewhat lengthened statement, quoting many, precedents, which he considered to bear upon his own case, and insisted upon the necessity of maintaining freedom of speech and action upon the part of members of Parliament. He concluded by moving: — " That a Select "Committee be appointed to inquire whether a certain letter from the Hon. William Fox to Charles Brown, a member of the House, is a breach of the privileges of this House." Mr. Fox followed by stating that the Government would raise no technical objection to the appointment of tho committee. The Government wereglad that the whole question had been raised in reference to Major Brown, who had for years been a personal friend of his own, and of most of the honouarble members on the Government benches. The House would therefore acquit the Government of tho smallest desire to indulge in any personal or party feeling, in the course which it had taken. The honourable member was fully entitled to the same protection as other honourable members, but he demanded privileges which were not granted to other honourable members. He had a perfect right to liberty of speech and of ac'ion as a member of that House, but he had no claim to special privileges us commander of the forces at Taranaki. The Government had never dictated to him how he should vote, but the position taken up by the Government in regard to the honourable member for Omata, was the same as that taken up by the Duke of Wellington, who said of Sir Hu^sey Vivian, when the latter was Commander of the Forces in Ireland, and had voted against the Government, "As Sir Hussey Vivian, he may vote us he thinks proper,- but as Commander of the Forces, he must vote with the Government." Tho Government had pointed out to the honourable member that the two positions he held were inconsistent, and that, if he elected to vote against the Government, he must resign his salaried office. He referred to the course taken by Mr Stafford with respect to Mr. Crawford, who had voted against the Public Debfs Bill, in the Legislative Council, a's one of a precisely similar nature. He also took occasion to criticize the action of the late Government when the No-confidence motion was before the House, in sending Major Brown to assist in the expedition against Tito Kowuru. The late Defence Minister had asked that officer how he was going to vote, and that very fact was sufficient proof that he considered he had a right to do so, else why had it happened that he was the only member in that House who had not been asked in what way he intended to vote? Colonel Haultain explained the course he had adopted, stating that his only reason for asking Major Brown how he was going to vote, was that, if he was opposed to the Government, they might find him a " pair," so that ho might be able to record his vote as an independent member of that House, at th»! same time that he discharged his duties in the fieid. Mr. Stafford agreed with the Premier that the Government had an absolute right to prevent its measures from being defeated by its own civil officers, but he thought the honourable member had failed altogether to show that Major Brown was a civil officer of the Government. Military and militia officers were in an entirely different position to other officers of the Government, in that they could not be removed from their command except for positive misconduct. Was it fair that by tho simple act of calling out tho militia the Government should be in a position to say to the militia officers, of whom there ore no less than sixteen in the House, that because they were in the receipt of pay they must not vote against the Government ? It was too monstrous a supposition to bo entertained for a moment. He altogether acquitted the Government from any feeling of personal hostility to the honourable member for Omata. It was not a party question, but a question as to the well-working of representative and responsible Government. He hoped that the committee would be appointed, and that, whatever conclusion it might arrive at, tho question would not be allowed to lapse until some action had been taken to define clearly the relative positions of the Legislature and the Government to officers holding commissions in the militia. Mr. Vogel considered that the honourable member for Omata was not only an officer of militia, but held a distinct command in a certain district. The ground taken up by the Government had been, not that members of that Houso were to be precluded from, taking commands, but that they should not continue to be members of that House. The Government might have adopted a similar course to that taken by Mr. Stafford, iv reference to Mr. Crawford, and have waited till the end of the session, but they had adopted a much bolder course by taking action during the session, so that the House might have an opportunity of expressing an opinion. The Government said to the honourable member, "We don't want your vote, but we force upon you a selection which must in either alternative lose us your vote, because if you leave the House you cannot support us, and if you resign your command and retain your seat, we cannot expect that you will vote with us." He condemned the conduct of the late Governmant in appointing a member of that House as Under-Secre-tary for Defence, during the recess, ns being simply done for the purpose of securing a vote in their favour, which would be prompted by mere gratitude. The result of the step which had been taken by the Government, would be that the House would be forced, for its own protection, to declare that its members should not hold offices of profit or emolument. Mr. Tancred thought that every member of the Houso must be entirely free to vote according to his conscience, and the wishes of his constituents. He could understand a person being disqualified, but tho moment he was allowed to take his seat in the House, he must be entirely free in his action. He considered that tho Government had infringed one of the most important privileges of Parliament by noticing outside of the House what had taken place in the House. Major Heapliy drew attention to the fact, that the vote which had been questioned had been given against a motion for the reduction of the military expenditure, and, although he did not make any imputation against Major Brown, honourable members would see that it involved a very grave question as to what might be possible if a number of officers were to oppose the Government upon a measure tending to reduce the war expenditure. Mr. Travers condemned the action taken by the Ministry, and could not conceive anything more j detrimental to the public interest than that the Government of the day should be allowed to exercise any coercion in order to secure the support of members who had a right to be absolutely and entirely independent in their political conduct. Mr. Collins supported the Government iv the course they had taken. Mr. Fitzherbert hoped the House would come to i a decision which would result in the passing of a Disqualification Act, clearly defining who were to form j its members. j Mr. Cargill (himself a Colonel of Volunteers), Mr. Borlase, and Mr. Graham, thought that the Government had taken a right view of the matter, and would support them in the line of action which they [ had seen fit to adopt. Mr. Dillon Bell made a long speech on behalf of the Government, which was replied to by Mr. Rich* | nioud in a very able speech; Mi*. Rolleeton followed;

and, after Major Brown had replied to tho various arguments adduced against his conduct, the motion was agreed to. i This terminated the principal business of the evening ; and the House, which had been well filled during the debate, very soon became thinned when Mr. Tancred rose to propose his series of resolutions to the House. To convey a correct notion of his opinions upon the subjeot of the defence of the colony, and the method in which his proposals should be carried out, it would be necessary to give his speech in extenso ; but it would not probably be of great interest to the general reader; and anyone ■who desires to mnke himself acquainted with the ipsissima verba of the honourable member, can do so by reference to Hansard. The debate was adjourned upon tho motion of Mr. M'Lean. On Thursday, Mr. Rolleston brought forward his resolutions for tho appointment of a commission to enquire into the causes of the unsatisfactory relations existing between the natives and Europeans in this colony. His speech was entirely addressed to the consideration of the question from the "poor Maori" point of view. He did all in his powor to put prominently before the House the -grievous injustice which the Maori race has suffered at our hands. It wan absolutely impossible that amicable relations could over bo established between the races until it was proved to thoso in rebellion against us that we desired to do all that in us lay to promote their good, and tn act justly towards them. The motion was seconded by Mete Kingi, who said that the confiscated lands should be given up to tho natives, both friendly and hostile, and then, but not otherwise, there would bo peace for ever and ever. In a few generations tho Europeans would get the lands back again, as the Maoris were dying out, and would soon disappear from the face of the earth. One reason was that there was no Maori women who had twenty or thirty children each, and it was on that account that the Europeans were so numerous. Mr. Dillon Bell and Mr. Richmond spoke against the proposals of the honourable member, and Mr. Travers thought that they might be carried into effect with advantage. The speech of this latter honourable gentleman was in many v.espects most injudicious, and was characterized by Mr. Fox, who spoke subsequently, as calculated to have a veiy evil effect upon tho native mind. I shall not notice it further, as it is recorded in the Hansard, which Mr. Mantell designated as " the history of the period." Mr. Fox dissected thft arguments advanced in favour of the resolutions, in the most forcible manner, considering that the idea of appointing a commission for the purpose was altogether chimerical and unpractical. Ho reviewed the whole conduct of the Europeans towards tho natives over since the arrival of the former in tho colony, maintaining that the hostility had always been on the part of the Maoris thomsolves. He thought' if the honourable numbers were placed upon a commission to investigate Tito Kowaru's opinions and feelings, Tito would very soon appoint a commission to "investigate" the honourable member, and he (Mr. Fox) would regret that such a deplorable result should follow the adoption of the resolutions. He hoped that when tho question came to a division, the large majority with ■which the resolutions would bo rejected would show the honourable member that tho time of the House was not to bo taken up by idle discussions upon abstract and unpractical theories. The debate was adjourned by Mr. Williamson. News was received from the North that To Kooti had arrived at Tokangamutu, tho head-quarters of tho King party. Ho mado application to tho chiefs to give him up the emblems of sovereignty, the meres, &c, which they at first refused to do. The latest intelligence is to the effect that they were hesitating as to what course they should take. On tho way up from Taupo to Tokangamutu, To Kooti mado the same application to the chiefs of the tribes between 7 those places with a successful result, and he was accordingly declared King. Upon his arrival at Tokangamutu, ho at once declared himself high priest, with the name, it is said, of " Jehu the son of Nimshi." Should his efforts to induce the King party to join him be successful the united forco he will possess will amount to something like 2,500 men. It is also believed that Tito Kowaru is fin his way to the head-quarters of the King. In consequence of this alarming news being receivod, the Government, on Thursday evening, moved the suspension of the Standing Orders for the purpose of proposing a resolution without notice, to meet the grave emergency. The resolution as proposed by Mr. Fox, stated that the House would undortako to pay £-10 per man for the troops, but it was considered advisable to leave the Bum an open question, and that the appeal would have greater weight if the colony offered to pay any amount that was demanded by the Imperial Government. The following is the resolution as it passed both Houses. It was carried unanimously in the House of Representatives, and by 19 votes to 2 in the Legislative Council : — " That a respectful address bo presented to the : Governor, praying that his Excellency will be pleased ! to represent to General Sir Trevor Chute, X.C.8., the disastrous consequences which may follow the removal of the 18th Regiment at this critical period, and will bo also pleased, pending further reference to the Imperial Government, to move the General to accept the responsibility of detaining one regiment within the colony, and to assure him that this House will pay yuch sum as the Imperial Government may require for tho timo tho troopu are detained until its decision is made known." It is understood that Dr. Featherston will proceed to Melbourne to-day by the Omeo, to represent the case to General Chute, who is at present in Melbourne. Mr. Vogel will make his financial statement on Tuesday, and it is looked forward to with considerable interest. Should the proposals of the Government in regard to financial matters be of no yery extraordinary character, it is expected that the Bossion will be ovor in about three weeks time. After the financial statement has been considered and debated upon* the only business before tho House will be the Government resolutions relative to the omploymont of Imperial troops, which will be probably carried by a largo majority, and tha annual routine work of passing tho estimates. The position of the Government is considered to be safe for the Ksaion, {

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/NENZC18690728.2.14

Bibliographic details

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXVIII, Issue 60, 28 July 1869, Page 3

Word Count
2,582

WELLINGTON POLITICAL GOSSIP. [FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.] Wellington, July 24, 1869. Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXVIII, Issue 60, 28 July 1869, Page 3

WELLINGTON POLITICAL GOSSIP. [FROM OUR OWN CORRESPONDENT.] Wellington, July 24, 1869. Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXVIII, Issue 60, 28 July 1869, Page 3

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