THE NELSON EXAMINER. Saturday, February 6,1869.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXVIII, Issue 11, 6 February 1869, Page 2

THE NELSON EXAMINER. Saturday, February 6, 1869.

Journals become more neceaaary as men Tiecome more equal and individualism more to be feared. It would be to underrate their importance to suppose that they serve only to secure liberty ; they ninintain civilization. Dk Tocqubvillb, Of Democracy in America, vol. 5, 230, In concluding our remarks with, reference to the necessity of our possessing the right of A r ote by Ballot, we would state that we have not possessed a Constitution sufficiently long for all the evils arising from the present method of taking votes to be fully developed, though one by one they are showing themselves throughout the colony, and it is wiser to adopt preventive measures than to wait the full growth of mischief. In England the suffrage has just been extended to the same class that has from the first enjoyed it here, and it will be instructive to see how corruption has already begun to deal with the newly enfranchised. Among many incidents of the elections lately completed may bo noted — at Blackburn, a private circular was issued to employers, advising them to take steps for coercing their men ; at Cardiff one candidate instructed his agent to inquire the name of each voter's employer or other person likely to have influence over him ; at Sunderland employers permitted their workshops to be used by one candidate for the delivery of addresses to'their men, who were in consequence advised to resist in a body, on the ground that canvassing by masters means intimidation ; in Berkshire it has been found necessary to establish a Liberal Defence Association, to compensate any tenant ejected, or labourer losing employment, in consequence of his vote and to publish the names of the guilty parties. These illustrations have been selected from many to show the adroitness with which those who aforetime practised bribery and treating are prepared to adapt themselves to a new era. "What has been done in one place is certain to be tried in others, and when the desired end is despaired of being attained by legitimate means the evil example of English electioneering will be followed here. It becomes then an imperative duty to consider how purity of election may best be preserved. Let us turn once more to England for instruction. We see that in almost every instance those who came forward to seek the votes of largo constituencies on liberal principles announced that they were prepared to advocate Vote by Ballot as the only system by which absolute independence in the exercise of the franchise can be secured, and by which all canvassing and intimidation can be abolished. The advantage arising from this method of taking votes by preventing all corrupt influences has been felt in America,

Victoria, and indeed in every country where it has been adopted. Conviction so far followed the arguments used in its favour in our own House of Representatives as to secure a large majority for the change, a majority that was over-ruled only by a vote of the Legislative Council, which appears to have exceeded its just if not its legal powers when it rejected a measure concerning only the people and that branch of the Legislature the members of which were prepared to -submit themselves to this mode of election. It will be well to consider the various arguments that have been used, here and in England, against the ballot and what weight they are entitled to. First : It is alleged that under a system of secret voting the present open conflict of opinion at election times would cease, aud the popular interest be so much lessened as to produce eventually an indifference on questions prejudicial to the true welfare of the State. To this it may be replied that there would be more inducement to hold frequent meetings of the electors so that the candidates might state their views at length, when no opportunity would be afforded of doing so during a canvass, as this could no longer be continued on any reasonable ground. The discussions between friends and neighbours would not be less earnest, and the only persons injuriously affected would be that disreputable class which makes a trade of electioneering, whether as legal agents, paid canvassers, runners, or whatever name may be given to the numerous offices created to secure votes by indirect bribery under tho guise of payment for services. Secondly: The ballot is denounced as unEnglish. This sentimental objection — for it is nothing more — is sometimes effective with those who forget that in every club or private society of Englishmen the practice is universal; without its adoption it would not be possible to secure permanence for any association to which members are not admitted as a legal right. Thirdly: It is maintained that secret voting would encourage falsehood and hypocrisy, as the voter might, from interested motives, profess to hold the opinions of one party and vote for another,, and that it is better he should be false to his own convictions than be able to deceive those persons in a position to coerce him into professing theirs. The evident reply is that promises extorted by force are not legally or morally binding, and though we must lament the condition of anyone compelled to deviate in tho slightest degree from the highest principles of honour, yet the wrong rests with those whose power has been the cause. The evil is certainly less where a voter is relieved from the compulsion of acting against his conscience, whatever he may be induced to profess, than when ho is compelled both to act and profess what he believes to be wrong. "With open voting the false act has, in a certain sense, a money value, because the purchaser can be certain that he receives what he paid for, whereas with the ballot no one would be so foolish as to buy a vote that might, without any possibility of detection, be given ngaiust him. The man base enough to sell would not hesitate to deceive when his breach of the immoral contract could never be known. Improper influence having no certainty of being successful, the temptation to use it would cease and so the balauce of evils between two possible falsehoods need not be estimated, neither would bribery continue when the performance of the act purchased was left to the honourable feelings of one who had shown he did not possess any. Fourthly : It is sometimes said there is no absolute secrecy with the ballot, and therefore its adoption would not protect the timid voter. This argument surely cannot be expected to influence the judgment, for it is obvious that no one, save the voter, can have the power of betraying his secret. It is, indeed, a matter of common belief how the votes of a large portion of auy constituency will be given, and especially of those who take a leading part in public matters. This cannot aft'ect the voter who seeks shelter in the exercise of his right, for with the simplest precautions on the part of the officers in charge of the ballot-box on behalf of the Governmont and of each candidate, it is quite clear no chance exists for the vote of any one person being known. Fifthlr : It is urged that the franchise is a trust which should be exercised publicly, so that all who are interested may see how it is discharged. Soveral answers occur to this objection. It may be sufficient to state that, admitting the trust to exist, the inference sought to be drawn is not warranted, aud arises from confounding the true meaning of the word, as a charge received in confidence, with its legal use of something held for the benefit of another. When the State, as represented by the Legislative body, reposed confidence in certain classes of the community to undertake specific duties, it must clearly have been the inteution that those duties should be discharged for the good of all without fear or favour, and that all disturbing causes should as far as possible be removed, whether they were inouey-temptation or the improper influence of persous in immediate intercourse with the voter, and that his conscientious opinions as to what is the best policy should be protected. In short, that Avhoever is entrusted with the franchise it should be used free from all external pressure. There is in this colony another reason against the necessity for the open exercise of the supposed trust— that ia, there is no large body of non-electors claiming an interest. The suffrage is so widely extended that almost every head of a family possesses it, nud the public has therefore no more right to demand that an act shall bo made known — when those dependent on the voter have an exactly equal right with every other household — than they would have to investigate the state of his private affairs, and interfere when it was supposed hp dia\aot properly discharge the obligation of Sp&dueting his business in a profitable manner,' oi«lj|uly provide for his family. • k 1r

So for as they are generally used, all the chief objections against Vote by Ballot have been stated, aud there does not appear any solid or even plausible reason against it. Iv its favour, there is a strong presumption, if not an absolute certainty, that, on its adoption, bribery, treating, and coercion, would at once disappear, and the election of those entrusted with the duties of legislation anil the expenditure of the public money would be in strict accordance with the free and unbought voice of a majority of the people. This is the aim of every system of representation, and those who continue to maintain in the face of facts that it is accomplished at present, must at least admit that the ballot could not render elections less pure. If the result of no one election were changed, still its adoption would have been a benefit, as the satisfaction in the minds of the victorious party would cease to be alloyed by charges of corruption, and the defeated would no longer labour under the feeling that justice had not been done. The great body of the people would: more loyally obey laws when assured they were passed in accordance with their own wishes, without the possessor of wealth or power, however acquired, being able to command the votes of scores as well able as themselves to judge what policy is best for the country, but who, by the force of circumstances, are so placed that free action is denied to their honest and intelligent convictions. The duty of supporting the ballot does not rest wholly on those now suffering from the want of it. It concerns equally the independent, who either oppose it or are lukewarm in its favour. As part of a community, they should look on coercion in every form as an assault on themselves, to be prevented by every means in their power. Let them reflect that fortune changes, and what is to-diiy the fate of their less prosperous neighbours may chance at future elections to be their own.

A telegram received from Wellington on Thursday, printed in our columns to-day, gives gratifying particulars of the success of Colonel Whitmore against Tito Kowaru. It will be seen that the enemy was shelled out of Nukumaru, which he had spent months in strengthening, without loss on our side, and that our forces were in full pursuit of him. It is not safe to hazard conjectures until we are acquainted with all the circumstances, but unless Tito's retreat is a feint to draw our men into ambush — a piece of strategy he has before practised —we may conclude he is virtually beaten. There is, however, something suspicious in abandoning a place of such great natural strength without striking a blow for it, unless we can suppose that the reverses of Te Kooti at Poverty Bay have disheartened Tito Kowaru, which we scarcely think likely. We trust we shall hear of no surprise, and we hope Colonel Whitmore will establish a character for prudence and judgmeut equal to the oue he already possesses for courage and singleness of purpose. Assisted by Kemp and his men, who know the country intimately, and the Arawas now so well trained to our warfare, we do not think there is much fear of danger, but we look for further intelligence with considerable interest.

A Provincial Gazette, of Saturday last, I gives au abstract of the Receipts aud Disbursements of the Provincial Treasurer duriug the quarter ended the 31st December ; and aa the state of the public finances is at the present time a subject of paramount importance, we will he]p our readers to a correct knowledge of what it really is. The Treasurer's statement shows that the whole revenue received during the quarter ended as above, amounted to £28,253 155., which required an overdraft at the Bank of £22,489 2s. 7d. to balance with au expenditure of £50,742 17s. 7d. The actual disbursements during the quarter amounted to £30,082 18s. lid., the balance of £20,659 18s. Bd. being the overdraft charged against the Treasurer at the end of the preceding quarter. Before examining the account in detail it will be right to say a few words respecting the large overdraft which figures in it so conspicuously, in order to remove a false impression naturally created when the system of accounts maintained between the General and Provincial Governments is not known. The statement before us is one of moneys received by the Treasurer during the quarter, not of revenue to which the province is entitled. Nearly the whole of the revenue raised in the colony is paid in the first instance into the Colonial Treasury, which at its convenience distributes amongst the provinces the sums to which the} r are entitled — such distribution being founded upon a system of accounts which no one beyond its own doors has ever succeeded in understanding. The Colonial Treasury during the currency of a quarter makes such advances to the provinces, on account, as it sees fit, and it is these advances only which the Provincial Treasurer can show in his accounts when closed at the end of a quarter. Public exigencies force Provincial Governments to draw on the bank against the balance due to them from the General Government, for the payment of which they have to await the Colonial Treasurer's convenience. As an example of how this system works, it is only necessary to state that the overdraft of £22,489 returned by the Provincial Treasurer at the close of the last quarter, was reduced on the 2nd instant, by remittances from the General Government and from the West Coast, to about £8,000 ; and, as nearly as can be ascertained, the real indebtedness of Nelson on the Ist instant, supposing all demands against it paid, aud a clean sheet got from the Colonial Treasury, would be about £10.000, or the amount of debt the present Superintendent found against the province when he took office. This is really how the province stands, in the face of a probable deficiency of revenue on the year of £60,000 below the estimated amount ; caused partly by the deduction made by the General Government for its large over-payment to the province last year, partly by the diminished revenue derived

from the gold-fields caused by the exodus of miners to the Thames, and partly by the geueral depression of affairs. Turning to the details of the expenditure for the quarter, we find 3611,395 ss. lOd. set down for Departmental, out of which £6,987 is for the South- West Gold-fields, £855 for Surveys, £887 for Police, £432 for Harbour, £363' for Hospital, £387 for Gaol, £19-1- for Lunatic Asylum, £371 for Engiueer's Department, £3-19 for Superintendent's Department, £266 for Scab Inspection, and the balance made up among the Treasurer and Solicitor and a few small charges. On Public Works and Purposes the disbursement for the quarter was £16,380 17s. 2d., of which £6,849 was expended on the South- 1 West Gold-Fields, £1,550 on Education, £1,237 on the Hospital Buildings, £436 on Hospital furniture, £1,193 on the Wai-iti Bridge, £907 ou the Wairoa Bridge, £446 on the Main South Eoad, £335 on Charitable Aid, £1,210 on local roads, £447 on the Government Buildings, and the rest on a variety of works spread over the province. An attentive perusal of this brief summary will show our readers the true position of the province, aud enable them to judge correctly of the manner in which its affairs are administered.