SUMMARY OF PARLIAMENTARY NEWS.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XXVI, Issue 100, 20 August 1867, Page 4

SUMMARY OF PARLIAMENTARY NEWS.

HOUSE OF REPRESENTATIVES. ThUBSDAT, A.VGV&T 8. On the motion of Mr. G. Graham, copies of correspondence and reports relatives to tho war on the West Coast and Tarunaki, were ordered to bo laid on the table. A bill was brought in by Colonel Haultain to amend tho Volunteers' Land Act, 1865. Leave was given in committee to bring in a bill to make further regulations for the management and collection of Customs revenue. On tho motion of Mr. Carleton, the bill relating to Mr. Busby's claim was discharged, with the view to the introduction of a Mew bill under another name. On the motion of Mr. Carleton, a bill empowering the Governor to submit land claims to arbitration, was read a first time. On tho motion of Mr. Hull, a bill providing for the 'application of fines levied under Acts for preventing tho spread of disease in sheep, was read a first time. REGULATION OF ELECTIONS. Mr. Reynolds moved the second reading of this bill. It provided for and amounted in fact to the introduction of the ballot. Mr. Teatbbs supported the bill, which however did not go far enough. He wished to see candidates protected as well as electors, and the nuisance of committees and hustings bunkum done away with. Mr. T. Macfarlane thought tho end would be better attained by toting papers sent through tbe post. Mr. HALL opposed, the bill. He regarded the franchise not as a right, but a trust which ought to bo exercised in the light of day. If the principle of tho bill were sound, protection ought to be extended to members of the Legislature. Mr. Main supported the principle of the bill, •which would put a stop to canvassing and bribery. Mr. J. O'Neill approved of voting papers sent through the post. He thought a voter was entitled to the pleasure of being asked for his vote. Mr. Haughton did not think there would be secret voting under the ballot. The honourable member for Dunedin might find the system necessary owing to a peculiarity about his constituency, and to overcome the obstacles he had met with from his enemies the cab-drivers and bill-stickers. lie Loped the House would agree to the motion, otherwise tho honourable member would bring it forward every year. * Mr. Jollib would oppose all secrecy and deception in public matters. The bill was ordered to be read a second time next sitting day. CONFISCATED LAND. Mr. Watt moved an amendment to tho motion standing in his name, and in doing so, called attention to the uncertain condition of native affairs in the neighbourhood of New Plymouth. Had General Chute's campaign besn properly followed up, we might have made our own terms. The present state of things was very unsatisfactory, and tho colony had derived no benefit from the successes which had beon obtained. Mr. G, Graham seconded the motion. Mr. Stafford said that if, as the honourable member had said, no steps had been taken by Government, it waß nugatory to ask for a return of those steps, unless he meant the steps taken in Marching by Colonel M'Donuell and his men. But tho Government had done all that could be done. The surveys were undertaken us soon as surveyors could be got to run tho risk of making them. Mi-. Parris had exerted himself to the utmost to make terms with the natives. The Government would not oppose the returns. Mr. G. Graham said he asked for this return in consequence of a story told to him and William Thompson, when that chief was in Wellington, by a young man from Hori Kingi, of Wanganui, of a treacherous night attack made on a native settlement called Pokaikai, although the officer commanding had promised to visit them next day. Mr. Carleton said the matter could not rest there, but must be investigated. Mr. D. Bell said the matter demanded inquiry, but he believed the inquiry would Bhow how much Mr. Parris had done to avert war. Colonel Haultain was astonished at the combined gullibility and incredulity of tho honourable member for Newton. He could swallow any amount of chaff, and be choked by a grain of wheat. He was like the old woman who believed her sailor son when he talked of mountains of sugar and rivers of rum, but ■would not believe that he had seen flying fish. The circumstances refex*red to had been complained of by the natives, and had been closely inquired into by the Government. The result was that Colonel M'Dounell's explanation was considered satisfactory. The papers would bo laid on the table without delay. Mr. J. C. Richmond said there was no better subject of congratulation than the improved state of things on the West Coast. The surveys had proceeded satisfactorily, and the surveyors had been lodged in the houses of the very natives who had been most opposed to them. The natives who had come in were satisfied with the grants of land which had been made to them, and there were very few sow assuming a hostile attitude. There had been some misunderstanding of signals in the affair at Pokaikai, but Ngatanahira, the chief most interested, was satisfied that no treachery had been intended. Brady's murder was from motives of dishonesty or revenge, and there was no danger in travelling along the coast from New Plymouth to Patea. Mr. A. S. Atkinson thought the position of affairs on tho West Coast hud been exaggerated ; and, on the other hand, Government had painted it too iavourably. There was more show than real good in General Chute's march, and peace could not then have been made. Mr. Parris had been forbidden to go outpide the lines, therefore he could not have been engaged constantly in tho attempt to make terms. He believed the natives looked upon the affair at Pokaikai as an act of treachery. The attack had been made after preliminaries of peace made by tho natives choosing a white handkerchief instead of a cartridge or a bottle of rum eeut them by Colonel M'Donnell. Brady had been murdered out of revengo by two natives who having come, as they said, to make peace, had been imprisoned by Col. Hainley for a month or six weeks. Mr. Watt replied, and the motion was agreed to. After some bills had been advanced a stage, the clebate was resumed on tho LOCAL GOVERNMENT BILL. Mr. J. C. Richmond said the Government had been charged with being backward in support of this measure, but since tho prima facie case was certainly with them, it was natural to expect that some opponent should show cause against them. The problem which this bill attempted to do something to solve, was occupying the attention of people all over tho world. It related to a new distribution of tho power of Government. Tho idea of the Government was to localize certain of those power?, not to centralize. Centralization was the policy of the ultra-provincial party. He accepted the statement of tho honourable member for Selwyn that tho question was now whether taxation should be reduced, or the disruption of the colony effected. He had always opposed separation. It would bo to throw away our advantages, and to disgrace ourselves before tho civilized world. But tho choice lay between that and some new distribution of the powers of Government, which should give some local i-on-trol over the proceeds of taxation. Tlio country could not bear the present taxation, and if he (Mr. Richmond) remained in office, it would be his duty that tho present tariff is impolitic, and requires trenchant amendment. A more direct taxation must be substituted, and that must come at. the hands of those who will have the expenditure of it. We must bring tho spending body face to face with those who are taxed. Tho honourable member for Mataura had said that this bill would allow tho poor to tax the rich, and unprincipled and avari-

cious men to prey on their neighbours. He also feared that time would come, but the Provincial Governments would afford no protection against it. The true safeguard of a democratic Constitution is to decentralize it. The great sorrow would come when the provinces attempt to tax. The great financial feature of the bill is an allocation of revenue as an encouragement to local taxation. The honourable member for Mataura had objected to the endowment out of the consolidated fund, but so long as the total endowments do not exceed the land revenue, the honourable member's principle has been really carried out. The principle of contributing from the whole revenue to supplement the taxes of those places which had no land revenue, was wise and statesmanlike. The taxation of the North Island would certainly, in a few years, exceed that of the Southern, and it is wise to foster that island in its depressed condition. The success which had hitherto attended local institutions ought to recommend this bill. The country would be grateful to Government for putting this question before it. The honourable member for Mataura had enjoyed a sort of war dance upon this bill. In the art of tearing a bill to pieces, he was only surpassed by Mr. Fox, who, if present, would certainly assist Government on the present occasion. The honourable member for Mataura had ridiculed some minor clauses of the bill, and by a sort of cuttle-fish performance, had concealed its true principles. He (Mr. Richmond) would appeal to honourable members to soe justice done to outlying districts, and to the House not to abdicate its right to assert what may be best for the country at large. Mr. Main said the bill would entirely destroy the provincial system under which the prosperity of the colony had been promoted. The bill would multiply offices, salaries, and taxes. It would soon necessitate the income tax. Its effect would be to support the poor provinces at the expense of the rich. Mr. Reid said it was -wrong to divert tho House from the real question by making it a question between centralism and provincialism. A bill was required for securing to the various districts a portion of the land revenue. The power to rate was also a valuable feature. The petition for the formation of a district ought to be signed by two-thirds of tho ratepayers. The work of tho provinces was not yet complete, but this measure would not destroy the provinces. He thought the measure should be withdrawn for this session, to give the country an opportunity of discussing it. Mr. Macandrew said the bill would revolutionize the settled institutions of the country without benefiting the outlying districts. It involved^ the expenditure of the revenues of one province on the public works of another. The Government of Otago intended to make amends to Oamaru, but this bill would deprive it of the power of doing so. The Government of Otago was already doing all that was required better than this bill could accomplish. The country did not demand such a measure ; there had been no expression of public feeling in its favour, and he was quite prepared to go to the country on the question. Mr. Ludlam thought the indirect taxation ought to be just enough to cover the liabilities of the colony and the cost of Government, and that the provinces should raise direct taxation for their own purposes. Then the people would begin to inquire into the cost and the value of Provincial Governments. The intention of the Constitution Act was to make the General Government all powerful, but its proper functions had been given up to the provinces. The bill would not destroy the provinces, but, had it been in operation earlier, it would have prevented the splitting of provinces, and the New Provinces Act would never have been heard of. The outlying districts had been neglected by the Provincial Go- j vernments. The reckless borrowing of tho provinces ought to bo stopped. He thought the bill was a step in the right direction. Mr. Reeves said that if he had before doubted, the speech of the Native Minister had convinced him that this was a revolutionary measure. Under pretence of providing for the outlying districts it involved a financial revolution. The measure would be a vital blow to provincial institutions. The country was favourable to provincial institutions, and if Government doubted it, let them appeal to the country. No one wanted to prevent justice to the outlying districts. The principle of the bill was dishonest and corrupt, because ib took away the funds legally appropriated to the provinces. Mr. Borlase said the debate was a mockery and a shame. The bill was thrown on the floor, and they, were told they may do what they liked with it. It was understood that the Government had accepted the challenge of the Superintendent of Wellington, made at the end of the last session. Why then was it not made a ministerial question ? The bill was an insidious attempt to do away with the provinces ; it was a mockery, a delusion, and a snare. Mr. Stafford said it had been asserted that there had been no earnestness in the debate, but members had been so anxious to speak that he had been unable to address the House so soon as he had intended. The honourable member for Avon had represented tho Commissioner of Customs as saying that it was proposed to include the land fund of the provinces in the consolidated revenue of the colony, and to make appropriations from that in aid of rates. The honourable member could not have made so frightful a mistake if he had read the bill. The appropriation to each district is distinctly laid down to be only a portion of the land sales accruing within the district itself. One reason why he (Mr. Stafford) had not Bpoken earlier was, that it was understood that the leader of opposition had been deposed, but it was not known who had succeeded him. The mantle had fallen from Elijah — the Elisha upon whom it had descended was not known. And Ministers' curiosity was not satisfied, when<from behind the Speaker's chair there appeared the honourable member for Porirua to take up that mantle which had been most cleverly and effectively worn by the honourable member for the Gold-fields. Tho House would not expect him to answer the honourable member for Porirua, who could not elevate his views above the policy of a petty village. The speech of the honourable member for the Gold-fields was good and interesting. He regretted that the Colonial Tresurer had not been present to enjoy the interesting illustration of natural history which had been given by tbe honourable member, when he quoted from D a Chaillu's Travels an account of a spider which lay in wait for cockroaches to suck their blood, by which was represented the way in which the General Government drained the finances of the provinces. But the honourable gentleman, in likening the provinces to these cockroaches, had forgotten to say that the author described the cockroaches as public scavengers. It was a strange objection, made by tho honourable member to this measure, that it would bo pleasing to the outlying districts and to the colonial party, and at the same time would give great power to the provinces. A good deal was heard about General and Provincial Governments, but very little about the people of New Zealand. The bill was to cause some portion of the taxation to bo spent where it was raised. But, it was saidj tbe territorial lords will be taxed by the people. The territorial lords ought to be taxed, and must be taxed. Tho honourable member had not succeeded in defending himself from the charge of inconsistency for opposing this bill, which was the some in principle with one that he himself had introduced in tho last session, since it was not until after the second reading of that measure that it was proposed to njake the consent of a Provincial Government necessary for its application. He says, if the bill is put into operation, there will be 709 districts formed within the next eighteen months. Can there be a more conclusive argument in its favour? Measures of a similar character had been found to work well in the British Colonies of America, and in the Australian Colonies. A letter testifying to tiie beneficial working of similar measures appeared lately in tho Auckland papers, from a gentleman whose sagacious judgment had often influenced the counsels of t hat House — the late member for Marsden, Mr. John Munro. It was time to notice the objections of the honourable member for Mataura. That honourable member had quoted ccrtnin opinions uttered by him (Mr. Stafford) in 1856. At that time the honourable member for Mataura was member of a Government, known as the Govern-

ment of Provincial Minorities, which wished to coerce the ungrateful provinces that had not appreciated them. A bill was then introduced to prevent elected Superintendents from administering provincial affairs except under instructions from tho Governor. At that time he (Mr. Stafford) was Superintendent of a province. He had declared that ho would rebel against any attempt to interfere with Provincial administration, and under the same circumstances he would say the same thing now. But he would now quote the opinions of a gentleman for whose sentiments the honourable member for Mataura would have the greatest respect. [Mr. Stafford then read passages from speeches of Mr. Bell himself, all inveighing in the strongest terras against the centralizing tendencies of the Provincial Governments, and tlie absurdity of supposing that they could ever be trusted to care for the outlying districts, and asserting that the land-fund ought to be localized by law.] The honourable member had said that this bill would enable improvident and avaricious persons to ruin the owner of property. Is that a fair statement to make of the people of New Zealand ? Have wo not seen Road Boards in operation for many years ? In the Province of Nelson they have been in operation for ten or twelve years. He would ask the Superintendent, and the other Nelson members, ,if during all that timo there had been a single attempt on'the part of the majority of ratepayers, who were comparatively poor men, to oppress or plunder their richer neighbours. The statement was a calumny on the people of New Zealand. The honourable member said his constituents would be ruined. But he had two sorts of constituents, and perhaps it was not to those whom he represented in that House that he was referring. Mr. D. Bell : To whom does the honourable gentleman refer ? Mr. Stafford: To the ~ capitalists outside the country, whose property tho honourable gentleman j manages. Mr. D. Bell hoped tho honourable gentleman would not make a statement about his private affairs ; but since he had done so, he would give it his most unqualified contradiction. He managed no person's affairs in this country. Mr. Stafford : If the honourable gentleman did not manage, or mismanage, the affairs of capitalists outside of his constituents, he (Mr. Stafford) was under a misapprehension, for which he would apologize. The honourable gentleman seemed to entertain fears on behalf of the rich man. It would be a lamentable day when that House should cease to protect the rights of property ; but it would also be a black day whon. we are forbidden to legislate for the good of the country, because the rich men would have to pay a contribution proportionate to their income. The honourable member had said that Government had no right to tax the people beyond what is required for tho public creditor and the cost of tho Civil Government. But the honourable gentleman ought to believe — more fully than any one— that a compulsory contribution for colonizing the country was justifiable, since he had , been confidential secretary to the New Zealand Company, which had adopted that theory by establishing a compulsory price for land. A good deal had beon said about the spending of the ordinary revenue upon districts having no territorial revenue. The financial resolutions of 1856 had beon made in the belief that both the Islands would have a revenue without delocalizing the land revenue ; it ought to be considered whether it would not now be advantageous to localize other portions of the revenue in the present condition of the Northern provinces. Those provinces would one day be the richest. Tho revenue of the whole colony must go to satisfy the public creditor, and so long as wo form one colony it is bad policy to allow any part to sink, when a little timely aid would enable it to become a wealth-producing locality, and a large contributor to the public coffers. That was what the Government propositions professed to do, and by that means we should have a great country, instead of struggling and impoverished communities. Mr. D. Bell made some explanations relative to the quotations made from his speeches. He also denied being the agent of any capitalists in England, although he had beeu a partner with Mr. Stafford in sheep-farming transactions. Mr. Moorhouse thought the bill would do harm. The analogy with Australia did not hold, since there were no Provincial institutions there. This was part of an able plan to demoralize the provinces. Mr. Campbell said tho measure ought to be retrospective, to benefit those districts which had lost nearly all their land revenue. He objected to taxation and borrowing by these small local bodies. Mr. Armstrong would give the bill his cordial support, since by such means alone could tho outdistricts ever get justice. A division then took place, with the result that we have already published in our issue of Tuesday last.

A Natai Scandal. — A story has come to our ears which is so disgraceful to the chief actor or actors in the affair that we give it for the present in outline only, trusting that the report may be susceptible of some modification by those who are concerned. The Phoebe, a steam corvette of twentyone guns, has been lately fitting out at Plymouth for the West Indies and the American station. Among those of her officers who have already joined is a young gentleman fourteen years of age, the junior midshipman. This poor boy had not been on the corvette three days before he was subjected to a brutal and dastardly outrage. Some of his fellowofficers lashed him down to a table or to the carriage of a gun, so that he could not stir a muscle, and then with a sharp instrument, they cut upon his nose the figure of a " broad arrow," and rubbing gunpowder into the wound, they " tattooed " it indelibly. Not only has infamous torture been inflicted, but the lad must wear a disfiguring brand all his life long — a thick black line down the ridge of his nose and over each nostril. Nothing could obliterate tho mark except a cruel and continuous operation, attended by the utmost pain ; and the efficacy even of that remedy is at the best doubtful. These abominable bullies, being sailors, knew the process well, and they have probably stamped the badge too deep to be erased.i The ill-used youth complained to the captain of the Phoebe, and that gentleman on making enquiries, and discovering the ringleader, at once ordered the fellow to regard himself as dismissed from her Majesty's service with disgrace. There cannot be the slightest wavering as to the sentence which should be received by the commissioned miscreant who inflicted this indignity and pain upon his boy-comrade. The uniform of her Majesty is tarnished every day that it is worn by an officer, who, while old enough to be responsible for his conduct, could plan and carry out such a piece of cold and mischievous barbarity. There cannot, and there must not, be a moment's hesitation about the confirmation of the most necessary judgment passed in tlie first place by the captain of the Phoebe. Nor will justice be done with the ringleader, when Her Majesty's service is quit of the offender. He ought to be punished in a criminal court for tho cruelty which he has perpetrated. We know, of course, that the jokes of the midshipman's mess will sometimes take a practical turn, and that tattooing is a kind of penal ornamentation for which sailors have an extraordinary love. But no such excuse can be urged hero. The thing is utterly outside the pale of any youthful frolic ; the lad, besides being subjected to torture and anguish, has been made an object of ridicule for life; and the miserable outrage has been perpetrated in cold blood by his own shipmates, before he has been three days on board. Let any parent put himself in the position of the victim's parents, and judge how they must regard her Majesty's service if stern justice be not done upon the authors of this most abominable and cowardly torment. As for the fyoy who has suffered such cruelty, we hope to see him wear the badge under the Queen's pennant till his friends are proud to know him by it. He is stamped with the " broad arrow" for life j but if ho sticks to the sea, and does his duty, he deserves the promise of a special distinction ; he should bo called " the Queen's Midshipman ;" and her M>ije3ty herself, we think, would never overlook a young officer so cruelly marked with the brand of her service. — Daily Telegraph, June 3.