SUMMARY.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XVII, Issue 69, 28 August 1858, Page 3

SUMMARY.

[From the Some Newt, May 25.]

The "great argument " has come to a sudden and most unexpected conclusion. Seldom, has the House of Commons presented so remarkable an aspect as it did on the night of the 21st of May, when the debate on Mr: CardwelFs vote of censure was to be resumed, and, as everybody hoped, concluded: The house was crowded in every part, and even a stranger, ignorant of the cause of the excitement, must have been deeply impressed by the hush of intense expectation which pervaded that vast assembly. The occasion was one of unprecedented interest, for it was not merely the fate of an Administration which hung upon the issue, but the momentous consequences which the decision of the House of Commons, either way, might exert upon the population of Oude, ! if not upon the whole conflict in which we are engaged. As the hour approached for the opening of the discussion, it became apparent that an extraordinary change was passing over the spirit of the House. Never was there such an imbroglio of parties. All the old sectional . ties seemed to have been rent atainder. Many members who were anxious to support Lord Canning from personal or political motives, and who were, in a measure, pledged to do so, could not by any effort of sophistry reconcile themselves' to the proclamation. Tbe terms of Mr. Cardwell's motion, no doubt, liberated their

consciences in some degree, by declining to pronounce any judgment in the absence of explanation ; but unluckily the correspondence (which we puMish in another column) between the Governor-General and Sir James Outram had been laid before the House that morning, and thus removed the grounds upon which that part of the motion rested. Sufficient information was in the hands of all members to deprive them of the last shred of a mental pre- \ text for not forming an opinion upon the policy of "confiscation." The perplexity arising out of this state of circumstances shattered the hitherto compact body of Lord Canning's supporters into fragments, oscillating amongst a multitude of expedients. In other quarters the confusion was equally bewildering. Mr. Bright and Mr. Milner Gibson, and their small knot of adherents, were with the Government ; and on that side also was to be found the trenchant sarcasm of Mr. Roebuck. The crumbling relics of the Peel party were for the first time divided among themselves, and while Mr. Cardwell threw his weight into the scale of the Liberal section over which Lord Palmerston presided, Sir James Graham, quoting the authority of Lord Aberdeen, supported the Administration. Nor was it the least remarkable incident of this curious spectacle to observe the new alliance that had grown up between Lord John Russell and the late Premier, who were now seen fighting side by side against the Conservative Ministry, after having previously dined together in perfect amity at Cambridge House.

Only one thing was clear in the midst of the chaos — that the motion, whether carried or thrown out, would be equally damaging to its supporters and its opponents. If carried, it would force Lord Derby on the country with the delusive cry of "Confiscation or Amnesty ;" if thrown out, it would be by so trifling a majority that the Ministerial victory would be worse than a defeat, and it would make patent to the world that the great Parliamentary parties, by which our constitutional legislation has been usually balanced, are utterly disorganised. No course could have been more inconvenient or disturbing, or less likely to lead to a satisfactory solution of the difficulty, than a general election. The impartial elector, who saw much to applaud in the proclamation, without going the whole length of its severity, and who approved of the principles laid down in the despatch, while he condemned their expression aa intemperate, and, at this moment, fraught with danger to our Indian empire, would be sorely puzzled in the disposition of his vote. Party zeal, before which the highest interests fade into insignificance, would present gigantic exaggerations and misrepresentations on both sides, and the House of Commons elected under such circumstances would be impressed with more fallacious notions concerning the past and future of India than any House of Commons returned during the last hundred years.

The only escape from this complicated dilemma, this imminent danger to our possessions in the East, this discreditable " faction fight " over the spoils of an empire, was the abandonment of the vote of censure. From all parts of the House, except the Ministerial benches, whose occupants, being put upon their trial, could not with dignity have joined in such a request, entreaties arose for the withdrawal of the motion. But Mr. Cardwell was immovable, until Lord Palmerston brought his influence to bear upon the general remonstrance ; and when at last the motion was fairly withdrawn, the House rang with cheers, It was a welcome deliverance to all parties.

The result is one upon which India, as well as England, may be congratulated ; not because it ensures a further term, uncertain in its duration, and by no means promising in its indications, to the Derby administration, but because it snatches for the present the great questions, upon the settlement of which the security of our empire in the East depends, from the conflict of party interests. Lord Derby's administration is not the Government from which, h priori, the largest amount of good can be anticipated for India. Out of office, it resisted the " clemency " of Lord Canning ; in office, it resists his severity. Out of office, it opposed the measure of the transfer of India to the Crown, as being dangerous at this time ; in office, it adopts the policy it condemned. It reposed its claims to the confidence of the Indian community on the great powers and large experience of Lord Ellenborough ; but, at the end of a few weeks, the indiscretions of Lord Ellenborough compel him to resign, as the only means of saving his colleagues. And, as far as anything is yet known of Lord Derby's views with reference to India, it is impossible to form an estimate of the course he is likely to pursue. Submitting to the decision of the Commons, although it was in direct opposition to his avowed convictions, he followed in the track of his predecessor, and brought in a bill for the abolition of the Company. But he was obliged to withdraw it, in deference to public opinion, and place himself in the hands of the house. What issue will come of this no man can foresee. Still greater obscurity hangs over his policy with reference to the future settlement of India, but more especially of Oude. If Lord Ellenborough' 8 despatch is to be really carried out — and Lord Derby declares it has his entire approval — the administration is bound to restore the King of Oude to his throne. No language can be more distinct than that of the paragraphs in which Lord Ellenborough intimates that we have unlawfully taken possession of the kingdom, and that, instead of deserving such treatment from us, the sovereign of Oude and his family were entitled, by long fidelity, to our friendship and protection. Bold and reprehensible as it was to give utterance to such opinions, we do not apprehend that Lord Derby will venture to follow them to their logical conclusions ; but the fact Ihat they have gone forth to India as the absolute impressions of the Prime Minister, commits him to a position which must embarrass him to some extent. On the other hand, there are circumstances connected with his tenure of office which may be turned to much advantage. He is entirely free from all responsibility as to the causes of the mutiny, or the misgovernment, mistakes, or want of systematic precautions out of which it is variously alleged to have arisen. • He is not restrained by any perBonal considerations, or previous acts, from pursuing any line of policy which may seem to

him advantageous to the interests of India ; and he is deeply concerned in the adoption of a policy likely to impart popularity and stability to his Government. His opportunity is India. He has everything to gain, and little to risk ; and we may reasonably hope that so sagacious a statesman, after his recent admonishing ex periences, will improve the accidents of fortune, and profit by the perils he has escaped. So far as the Indian community is concerned, it is unimportant what party or what minister, Conservative or Liberal, Derby or Palmerston, may happen to be in power ; but it is of the last importance that legislation for India should be conducted on sound and practical principles. Unless some contretemps should occur, Lord Derby will have ample time to develop his plans. The rest of the session is at his disposal, and it is not anticipated that any question affecting the safety of the administration can be raised sooner than February.

We have a striking illustration of the action of party feelings upon public questions, in the storm that has been raised about the private note Mr. Vernon Smith received from Lord Canning, and did not communicate to Lord Ellenborough. Mr. Smith thought is was not worth communicating, and Lord Palmerston thought so, too ; and Lord Ellenborough himself stated that, if it had been communicated to him, it would not have altered his courseIndeed, there is reason to believe, from Lord Ellenborough's known temperament, that he would have been rather impatient of such a communication. Lord Grauville had also received a private letter from Lord Cauning about the same time, and made an attempt to communicate its contents to Lord Ellenborough in the lobby of the house ; but his Lordship went off into so long an account of his own views of the affairs of India, that, says Lord Granville, " after having made one or two ineffectual attempts to get a hearing, I put the letter in my pocket in despair." We are very far from thinking that Mr. Smith was right in not communicating to his successor the letters he received, however unimportant their contents might have been. But to charge him with the wilful suppression of his private correspondence, for the purpose of keeping the Government in the dark, is mere party scandal. Out of incidents of this kind, however, good comes sometimes. The practice which, has hitherto existed of conducting part of the correspondence of the public departments in an open official form, and part in private confidential notes, while it is recommended by unquestionable advantages to the public service, and can never be entirely dispensed with, is objectionable on many grounds, unless it be stringently restricted within limitations marked out by absolute necessity. Attention having been drawn to the subject, it will be shortly brought before the attention of Parliament. We have reason to believe that it is the intention of Mr. Wise, immediately after the holidays, to make a motion to the effect, that it is inexpedient to conduct any portion of the business of the public departments by way of private letters.