THE NELSON EXAMINER. Saturday, December 5, 1857.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume XVI, Issue 72, 5 December 1857, Page 2

THE NELSON EXAMINER. Saturday, December 5, 1857.

Journals become more necestary at men become more equal «nd individualism move to be feared. It would be to underrate their importance to suppose that they serve only to secure liberty: the; maintain civilization. Db TocacsviLL*, Of Democracy in America, rol. T.,p.230.

The question that we put to our rulers respecting the meeting of Council, was apparently answered as soon as put, although in reality before, by an announcement in the same number of our paper, summoning it to assemble on January sth. The official and general feeling in this particular case seem to have been identical. Let us hope this beginning will prove an augury of the character of their future proceedings. Having thus easily arrived at a knowledge of the time of the Council's meeting, it surely should not be much more difficult to attain to some information as to the subject matter which will be laid before it for deliberation. The Executive must already have made up their minds as to the general course of legislation for the session, as to the questions which are ripe for discussion, and which press for decision within the next three months. These must be already in a state of considerable forwardness ; and it only remains, therefore, to put the members and the public in possession of their purport, character, and general ten- 1 dency : that the first may come prepared by some previous inquiry, to give them an intelligent reception; and that the latter, having had their thoughts also turned in the same direction, may be able more correctly to distinguish between those who study conscientiously to perform their duty to the public, and those who fancy that the only preparation required lies within the compass of a dressingcase and a couple of changes of linen. For we will not do the Superintendent and his advisers the injustice of supposing that the lessons of the two last sessions of Council have been lost upon them ; that they have overlooked the inconvenience to the members, the annoyance and discredit to themselves, and the censure they will deservedly incur, if they meet the Council in the singular state of unpreparedness which has already more than once been the occasion for hostile criticism, and taxed the forbearance of friends. It would be pitiable indeed, if, with the comparatively limited sphere of their duties, they should not come to their performance armed at all points, ready, ay, eager, for the fray ; instead of propounding for discussion, for lack of other master, the important question whether the members of our Government or the printer's devils are chiefly responsible for wasting our time, our money, and our patience.

And here, once for all, we wish it to be understood, that we make no difference, we recognise no distinction, between the Superintendent and his responsible advisers. We view them as a whole, and must look upon them as one body, simple, or at all events undecompounded; in which the component parts are neither distinguishable nor fit subjects for our critical analysis. To do otherwise, would be running the risk of degenerating into personalities, for which we have no taste, and, as we hope, lack the requisite bitterness ; however much such literary pepper and cayenne may suit some jaded and vitiated palates. But we have a right to require that the work we pay for should be done, and well done too ; and, if it is not, the chief blame will fall upon the Head of our Government ; for he has the power of setting it right, and, if he neglects to do so, will become a partaker in the wrong. There is a fair field open before him, and great and extended opportunities for usefulness ; and it is the peculiar and fitting function of the press, acting as an expression of the feelings of the whole community, carefully separating and eliminating from the discussion all private, personal, and class prejudices or prepossessions, to keep these public objects before our public men, and to prevent the real significance of their positions from becoming obscured or sometimes altogether lost sight of in the drudgery of the desk, and in the perpetually recurring routine of daily occupations. This is not an easy task under any circumstances ; but it is especially difficult in small communities, where the habits, peculiarities, and weaknesses, to go no further, of almost every individual are accurately and universally known, and canvassed unreservedly ; where every remark and observation, whether it be praise or dispraise, is susceptible of an individual application; and where, in fact, it is impossible, and, if possible, would deprive them of all interest and vitality, to make them otherwise

than directly applicable to the uses and occurrences of every-day life. Between such a course — between such a freedom of remark upon our political machinery and its defects, and upon our political men, as such, who set it at work and keep it ia motion, and a systematic tendency to depreciate the men, and their sayings and doings, simply because they are theirs — we see a wide difference, and shall endeavour to maintain it ; and, in so doing, shall believe we consult the interests, and, in the long-run, represent the feelings of the great majority. For most people, after all, feel but a very languid kind of interest in whatever does not immediately affect themselves; and feel the same sort of languid obligation, and give the same languid approbation and support, to those whom superior energy or ability urges on to fight their battles or m.'Jntain the principles they approve. The more, then, principles can be kept in view, and the less conspicuous the individuals, the better will it be for all parties — for the writer, for the orator, for the public. We shall endeavour to follow them out in practice. We are aware that iv so doing we give up one great means of exciting the attention, at all events, of one class of readers ; but, after this explanation, we hope that the gentle public, whenever it finds us particularly dull, will believe that we have special reasons for it, and respect our motives accordingly. Finally, let us hope that by some means, official or exofficial, by speech or writing, by publication in the Gazette, or by some carefully-considered piece of inadvertence, enough will transpire to inform both representatives and constituency of the matters now ripening for discussion.

The Columbian mail steamer, which by our last communications from Sydney was ten or twelve days overdue, is reported to have arrived in Melbourne.

The intelligence reaches us by a very circuitous route : a Melbourne steamer brings the news to Launceston, whence it is sent to Hobarton by electric telegraph, and is brought on here by the Harp from that place.

We trust that on this occasion there is no mistake about the fall of Delhi. It is said to have been taken on September 18th; the mock Bang of Delhi falling into our hands at the same time. There appears to have been some sharp fighting, but in every encounter our troops have been victorious, and the European portion in a frame of mind to show little mercy to the vanquished. With the fall of Delhi we may look upon the real political danger to India as ended ; although we shall most probably for some time hear of encounters with various predatory hands of mutineers 1 and the road to Lucknow is not yet open, although General Havelock has been relieved.

We shall look with much interest for the next arrivals with the full particulars.