[From the Examiner, July 21.]

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume VIII, 12 January 1850, Page 182

[From the Examiner, July 21.]

The Colonial dinner (or banquet, to adopt the magniloquent word which is nosy superseding the homely English one) at Greenwich, is certainly a | curious sign of the times. It indicates a growing interest in the welfare of the Colonies, and marks the progress of common-sense views as to the manner in which their interest* are to be promoted. The company consisted of Whigs and Protectionists, Lincolnites and Manchester-school men. The common ground of meeting was an avowal of sympathy with, and interest in, the colonies; and also of an opinion that they can only be permanently benefited by a large extension of their powers of self-government. The pleasing consciousness of this principle of tolerance aud Christian charity, so opposed to the antagonism in which they habitually indulge, appears to have imparted to the company an exuberant spirit of hilarity. like that of school-boys at a break-up. A vein of jocular burlesque ran though, and gave relief to, the serious business of the evening. Sir William Molesworth presided, and was supported right and left by two noble Colonial exministers. The member for Southwark addressed the assembly in one of his best speeches, practical and statesmanlike, and characterised hy good taste as well as excellent feeling. His nohle supporters then rose in succession to " make clean breasts," aud declare, as converts to Sir William's doctrines, that their ministerial careers had been deformed by negligence, by ignorance of the true principles of Colonial Government, and by sad blunders — to say no worse. The scene reminded one of a burlesque of old church penance : Sir William the ghostly father, tnd Lords Monteagle and Lyttelton the penitents making public confession, and receiving absolution over a cup of sack. To complete the Abbot of Unreason's jollities, Mr. Cohden was loudly called upon to return thanks for the army and navy. The effect was Rabelaisian. It was a spirit of sound sense,and justice expressing itself in wayward pranks. Nor was the blending of irony with better feelings without good cause. In a desire to promote the welfare of the colonies, and in a conviction that this can only be done by relieving them from the -vexatious intermeddling of a central power with all the jainutest details of their local affairs, the company were agreed. But they felt that this wellborn unanimity was as yet limited in its range, and in point of fact nothing more than agreement in a vague general sentiment. Had they attempted to come to a thorough understanding, or agree upon a concerted plan of action, they would have found it impossible to proceed. And they knew this. Their sense of the danger of coming to an explicit and unreserved explanation was maifested in the topics left unnoticed by general consent. Mr Mackey, in proposing the North American colonies, expatiated with emphasis and knowledge on what may be culled the constitutional antiquities of the theme; but the recent events at Montreal were passed over in ominous silence. No immediate action can be looked for as the result of the Greenwich demonstration. But we are not on this account the less disposed to expect important consequences from it. It is always good for fellow-citizens engaged in political warfare to be brought together, and taught to know that they have many feelings and objects in common, so long as a liberal and generous sentiment, and not an interested or factious compromise of principle, is made the honest ground of approximation. A more humane tolerance, and a more elevated tone in political struggles, are the inevitable results of such meetings. In addition to this gain, on the occasion we refer to, there was au explicit recognition, by leading men of all shades of political opinion, of a sound political principle. Lord Lytteltion did not scruple to avow that, though so Radical at home, he was a Rudical in regard to colonial affairs. Mr Baring (who made the second best upeech of the night, though he is suppressed in till the reports) illustrated with singular felicity, from the French system of Government, the baneful effects of excessive centralisation. And all agreed that henceforth freer scope must be j given to the energies of our colonists; and that

their local affairs must be left to their own uncontrolled management. From such public and unequivocal avowals of opinions, not one Of the parties to the Greenwich meeting can recede with honour. Now Lord John Ruasell ' intimated in the Rouse of Commons the order day, that Ministers intend to submit next session to the legislature a comprehensive measure for placing our colonial "relations on a sound basis, by establishing a system of colonial administration such as the advance of enlightenment and the altered circumstances of society require. Let us hope, then, that Lord Grey will feel encouraged, by the declarations made at Greenwich, to allow unrestricted scope to his own large and liberal views in any scheme of colonial reform be may thus be preparing. The truth is, as we have repeatedly declared, that the numerons and populous colonies of British origin cannot be governed by a central board in Dowing street. The remoteness of many of them, and the consequent ignorance of local and temporary circumstances which must characterise such a board, are of themselves sufficient to render its interference mischievous. Even were it possible for it to possess the requisite knowledge, its effectual discharge of the functions of local colonial Government would require so large a staff of officials as to entail intolerable expenses on the mother country. The only colonies that it is worth the while of any country to possess, are such as are self supportiong. If colonies require lo be bolstered up by restrictions and protections in favour of their produce ; or, if the expense of their local government, civil or military, has to be defrayed by the mother country; they are a positive drag and incumbrance. But self-support on the part of the colonies implies of necessity the entire power of local self government. And it ought never to be left out of view, that, with all colonies, a time must come when they will assert entire independence in all matters of government. It is only by allowing them full powers of local self government that they can be prepared for this stage in their career; or that the inevitable dissolution of partnership can be equitably and peaceably brought about. It is clear that North America and the Antilles, Australia and New Zealand, with perhaps many other regions of the earth, are destined to be occupied by t communities of English origin, imbued with English civilisation, and animated by English sentiments and morals. It is equally clear that the right of self government, now exercised by the inhabitants of the British Islands and the United States, will in time be successfully claimed by all English communities, wherever situated. • Our privileged classes in England have been brought to descend to the level of citizens in a free state ; and the government at St James's which has recognised the equality of the government at Washington, must in time recognise the equality of governments at Sydney and Wellington. By this change the people of England will lose nothing. Our commerce with the United States is infinitely more lucrative than was our commerce with the thirteen North American provinces. The traditional influence of English, intellect and example is still great 'in the United States ; and would be greater but for the remembrance of the reluctance' with which the rights of that republic were conceded. England must be contented to be the most distinguished and influential among a] brotherhood of English nations equal in rank and rights; and English ascendancy, in the great fraternity of Anglican nations, must be maintained, not by the exercise of political power, but by the energetic and judicious cultivation of its physical resources and intellectual powers. So long as England continues to be the most wealthy, the best organised, the first in the cultivation of art, science, and literature among English states, so long will it continue to be the most powerful for good in their common councils. The position of England among the English nations, present and to be, is exactly analogous to that of our hereditary aristocracy among their fellow-citizens. Traditional associations predispose the younger communities to pey deference to the representatives of their common ancestors, just as they predispose our plebeians to pay deference to the representatives of our old families. But in both cases the imperfect claims of birth must be supported by high personal qualities, and by means adequate to their maintenance in the sphere to which they are born. Our aristocracy among their fellowcitizens, our nation among kindred communities, may still for a long period command precedence : — but that precedence must in future be enjoyed in virtue of the voluntary concessions of free men and free states. The days of submission to mere power have passed away for ever.

Turf L\-w. — A case, confirmatory of the power of Stewards of Races to finally decide all differences arising under their stewardship, was tried before Lord Chief Justice Doherty, at the last assizes for King's County. At the Emo Hunt Meeting, immediately after the race for the Drogheda Cup, won by the Marquis of Droghedft's ' Westraeatb,' an objection was made by Mr. Butler, the owner of Peacock, the second horse, that ' Westmeath ' had gone on one side of one of the flags, and an inquiry was instituted by the stewards, who came to a decision in favour of the marquis's having gono right, and awarded him the cup and stakes. At first, Mr. Butler seemed inclined to submit to the decisions of the stewards, but subsequently changed his mind, and brought the matter into a court of law. The facts of the cue having been etablished as above, the Lord Chief Justice said that it was a great waste of time bringing such a case into a court of law. Gentlemen had agreed to certain laws and roles for the regulation of racing, and stewards and country gentlemen were best fitted to adjudicate upon them. The plaintiff in this instance had entered a horse under an article declaring the stewards' decision to be final, andj in doing so had selected his tribunal. His direction [to the jury was, that if they believed the stewards had made an award, to find in accordance with them. Verdict accordingly. .