THE NELSON EXAMINER. Nelson, December 14, 1844.

Nelson Examiner and New Zealand Chronicle, Volume III, Issue 145, 14 December 1844, Page 162

THE NELSON EXAMINER. Nelson, December 14, 1844.

Journals 'become more necessary as men become more equal, and individualism more to be feared. It would be to underrate their importance to suppose that they serve only to secure liberty : they maintain civilisation. Db TocqubviliiK* Of Democracy In America, vol . 4, p. 303.

Nowhere is Rumour, the goddess full of tongues, more unceasingly busy than in New Zealand. But, as all things are reversed in our hemisphere, so is it with the reports she spreads abroad. So extravagant in particular are the doings of our Government, that she is beaten out of her old habit of exaggeration in promulgating them ; her invention cannot come up to actual fact ; her wildest conceptions look ordinary and tame when sst side by side with the monstrous and incredible realities.

Rumour, then, having so often proved herself inferior to Reality, our readers must hold us excused for not passing in silence over a report which certainly in any other country would not have seemed worthy a moment's credit, but here must be allowed to have likelihood enough to back it. We allude to Captain Fitzßoy 's supposed avowal of an intention to concentrate the settlements in New Zealand, by moving New Plymouth and Nelson (so says strange but often surpassed rumour) to Wellington or Auckland.

It is difficult to treat the notion seriously. Ambitious, indeed, we have often found our Governor to be of imitating the imperious despotism of a Roman Dictator, a Russian Czar, or some Kien-lo or Fo-ching, some monosyllabic Brother of the Sun and Moon, taking from his " elevated position 1 ' among gilt goggle-eyed lacquered-ware monsters and twisted scarlet arjd green dragons, from the seventh heaven of fancied self-importance, " a spot accessible to few, views of the political horizon and dangers invisible to the many," and of British supremacy intelligible to none. But we did think he would have stopped here ; we were not prepared for a yet higher flight — for an attempt at rivalling the supernatural achievements of an Afrite or Genie of Arabian story, nay, at surpassing them rather, for they, as we read, used only to carry off now and then an unfortunate lover, or transport a single palace by night from Bagdad to Damascus, while our Governor, it seems, resolves by a mere effort of his will to move whole towns and communities At once. Fancy the powers of Orpheus, who made trees and mountains follow bis harping, revived in these late ages and lavished on Captain Fitzßoy ! For surely he will not carry us off without our crops and cultivations. Or perhaps he will attempt even this. Try, then, to reconcile to your imaginations the idea of a whole population suddenly deserting their comfortable houses, tneir pleasant fields and enclosures— patrue $nes et dtticia arva — and trotting off in a body, without cause or motive other than the irresistible charming of Governor Fitz Roy ; like the rats in the old story of the " Pied Piper of Hamelin," so admirably told by Poet Browning — " Grave old plodders — gay young frisken — Families by tens and dozens — Fathers, mothers, uncles, cousini, Brothers, sisters, husbands, wives, Follow the piper for their lives ; From kiU to hiu he pipes advancing, And step for step they follow dancing!"

Fancy a new Exodus like this under such • Moses!

Bat who is to " pay the piper " ? If we are to be persuaded to abandon our settlement, it teems to us there ia only one way of doing it: Captain Fitzßoy'* charm must be a full treasury — the chink of gold his irresistible music. Let him retarn mil the

money our settlers have invested in bnildJng» and cultivations (for land we suppose b# h*num to repay with land, though when

or how he is to get it we -know not), and he might perhaps find some to follow him ; but certainly not even then, if it were given on condition of being reinvested in the same manner at Auckland. No one in his senses will leave Nelson to settle upon the bare lands about that faraway town, among numerous tribes of Maories, masters of the country and controllers of the Government. But, were any willing to do so, where is our charmer's money? Is the Property Tax to raise it, or will Lord Stanley supply it out of his British taxes? Conceive such a thing !

But suppose we (as it is within the range of possibility that we might) should be presumptuous enough to object to being imported into the Government settlement like two-legged stock, branded on the haunches with an RF,, or perhaps tattooed (which might be more to our owner's taste) on the parts so favourable for the display of Maori fine arts with a broad arrow ; — suppose we rather declined all this, has the Governor any means of constraining us to obey ? Does Nebuchadnezzar Fitz Roy in such case propose to carry us away captive to his remote Babylon whether we will or no ? Perhaps he imagines he has power to force us to abandon the settlement. All he or the Government could do would be to remove their officers, and refuse to spend any more of our money for us in this place. Now though we certainly would infinitely prefer British government, even only tolerably administered, we question much if such a desertion of us would not render us more prosperous and our settlement more " attractive --' than at present. For our whole connexion with Government, from th 3 foundation of the Cook's Straits settlements, reminds us of the Persian tale of Hormuzd, King of Astracan, on whom the necromancer Avicene had laid such a spell, that, whenever he approached his Princess Rezia, the colour fled her cheeks, her bright eyes grew dull, her limbs trembled, and she fainted away ; but, the moment he retreated, began to revive, growing better and better the further he withdrew. So does our settlement seem to fade, and our hopes and life to die away, at every interference of Government with us, on every occasion we cqme in contact with it. But let it leave us alone, and our hopes and energies return. The republican notions of self-government which Captain Fitzßoy so hastily laid to our charge, but of any affection for which we were certainly unconscious, would then have to be entertained and put to proof. And we doubt if the choice of our own officers and the command over the distribution of our own money would greatly tend to injure us. And for the few Maories about us, or the many at a distance, we might possibly succeed in treating with them as happily as the Governor does, and at no greater expense to ourselves.

The reasons of the strange intention we are hypothetically arguing upon are rumoured to be the need of concentration, retrenchment of public expenditure, and increase (we suppose) of the strength of the settlers against the natives. But such concentration or condensation is impossible, to any extent, from the nature of the country, cultivable lands being distributed in patches only, greater or less, over the two islands. And as Wellington and Auckland, from this cause or the disposition of the Maories, are far from having too much land for themselves, concentration upon either of them is out of the question. It would be like cut" ting a man's limbs off and cramming them down his throat to concentrate his body.

For the second - reason, diminution of public expenditure, we say we cost Government nothing, and have hitherto paid more than our own expenses ourselves, and certainly do not intend to pay more than we have paid heretofore for the government of other places.

To the third argument we reply, that to lews our own settlement, where we have no natives to annoy us, to go to others where these natives anjrameroai and troublesome,

merely to help to provide against their possible annoyances, would be too absurd.

But while writing this, we have the news from home, and the disapproval by the Committee of the House of Commons of all the acts of the Local Government they know of. So this is probably " the beginning of the end" of Captain Fitzßoy's reign. The scheme we have been consider- j ing will probably therefore, with many other such, be heard of no more, except in that *' limbo of vanity," that " windy sea of; land," whither, according to Milton, up fly all abortive creations and vain imaginations — " Both all things Vain, and all who in vain things Build their fond hopes of glory."

The labours of the Committee of Inquiry into New Zealand Affairs have led to a result we had more right to obtain than hope of obtaining. Their resolutions are favourable in every important particular to the Company, and condemnatory of the conduct of the Local Government from beginning to end of the affairs brought under their notice. Upon these decisions, and especially the latter, we congratulate the settlers of Nelson.

This important news will probably give rise to 1 various hopes and speculations, and many of them perhaps without any good foundation. Let us see, then, what advantages we have actually gained by this occurrence, and what are only possible or probable.

And first, whatever the consequences or no consequences of the resolutions, they themselves are irrevocable. Come what may, it can never be denied or controverted that a body of as independent men as could be found within the walls of Parliament, actuated by no party feelings — or, if by any, only by such as would have biassed them in favour of our adversaries, two-thirds of their number being Government supporters — have deliberately decided, with all the circumstances of the case before them, that the settlers were warranted in their opposition to the Local Government, and right in every "important particular of the long struggle they have been compelled to maintain with it. Let there be no more talk of Jacobinical agitation — of republican disaffection. The verdict of the highest tribunal in England is before the world, that our motives were correct, our conduct just and rational.

This fact, in itself so gratifying, must have consequences as cheering. It will give tenfold weight to our petitions and remonstrances in future, and predispose those to whom we appeal to expect as much reason and justice in them as have been found in the past ones, and as we must take care that they shall always contain. It confirms one's faith in the power of truth when perseveringly and unflinchingly asserted, of common sense when clearly and rightly appealed to, and of public opinion when sufficiently aroused and- adequately expressed. All this we take as a great benefit, which no consequences of the fact alluded to can rob us of.

Then for probable advantages. The policy of the Local Government condemned throughout as far as then known, that of Captain Fitzßoy, who at Wakanai and in every other proceeding has so completely adopted that of his predecessors and carried it to such an intolerable extreme, is necessarily included in the condemnation. The House of Commons may or may not confirm the resolutions of the Committee representing them. If they do, it is tolerably clear that the policy of Government towards New Zealand must be altered. But, if they do not, which is rather unlikely, considering that the Committee was chiefly composed of supporters . of the majority of the house, such resolutions, so obtained, must at the worst be a significant warning to the Colonial Office, and induce its rulers to check their representative out here in a career so dangerous to Government votes in the house. A reprimand or disapproval of Captain Fits Roy's acts, is the least that can be expected. And' if this take place, what coarse but

resignation is left him, after his recorded pledge : " His own personal feelings were entirely in accordance with those of her Majesty's Government. Unless such was the case, he would hold office no longer than was requisite to hand it over to his successor." ? Do what he will, his hold on the Colonial Office will be loosened ; and with the Vantage ground we and the Company have got by the Committee's decision, for our future bperations, wSnhink his other acts will be sufficient to detach it altogether.

-Again, the Company will probably continue in existence. If so, we have a body of men, many of them members of Parliament, versed in its ways and those of Government —with wealth, talents, anil influence with interests, as far as New Zealand is concerned, identical with ours — on the spot and ready and able to advocate our cause and fight our battles. Think of the character of the British Colonial Office, and then of the importance of possessing such a body of representatives. Think of the callous indifference of that office— its almost insuperable vis inertia — its omnipotent do-nothing-ism — its thick-skinned insensibility to the complaints and welfare of the million* on whose hearts and hopes it presses like an incubus. Think how it exists in a perpetual slumber, only emitting at intervals some stertorous despatch — a symptom of life but not of activity. We have not forgotten, indeed, what conventional decency and propriety fester through those despatches, rankle in the Jesuitical periods that so smoothly refuse every undeniable right, rivet and clench every biting wrong. We have not forgotten the assumed sentiments, the pharisaical affectation of candour and justice and sympathy and regard, in paragraphs and phrases shining white with a leprous plausibility, with which that office covers its carelessness for its distant dependencies. We know well with what ingenuity it hides such a sneer at the impotence of their complaints, remonstrances, warnings, and threats a3 may have accompanied the proverbial exclamation of the clan Campbell of old in their Inverary fastnesses, " It's a far cry to Lochow." All this is not to be forgotten — is over the world notorious. But all this is mechanical, automatic clockwork — as compatible with profound sleep and almost unconsciousness in the official body as absorption, digestion, circulation, in the natural. For its every faculty for action is still swamped in sloth — sunk deep in unfathomable repose. Nothing but the actual rebellion of a powerful people can prick it out of its dull perennial torpor into vigorous practical exertion, or change a single! note in its long snore of centuries. And far; more prejudicial is that galling sloth, that grinding inactivity, than if it wakened up to lively and positive tyranny. For in this its, lethargic state, it leaves all practical performance to a thousand petty subordinates* and substitutes oppression by these latter — oppression liable to be stimulated by every passion, varied by innumerable caprices — fox what, if it acted 'at all, would probably be its own style of tyranny — a consistent, intelligible, mechanical, passionless thing ol routine. And, allowing all this, by its very existence it sanctions with its weight, name, and influence every fanciful flight of misgovernment in its subalterns and delegate! — every whimsical escapade of the obscures! ; oppressor. So, answerable for everything but answering for nothing — out of reach and impregnable, yet covering with its shield all these its underlings, and constraining every attack upon them to be diverted to itself— i\ imparts to a thousand else insignificant ant! most impotent tormentors its own migh and impregnability. Such is the Colonial , Office; such its power, and such our weakness. And therefore we maintain thai ; such a body as the Company, in the hear : as it were of the enemy's camp, is of n« i slight advantage to us, as the winning thii i victory proves; It gives us a fulcrum 01 1 which even we can work a pole long enougl i to disturb the dozers in that Castle of In ■ dolence, nay, to stir up the old British L»« i himself in bis den. On what terms the Company will result* \ we have nothing to show. We may hop I they will this time contrive effectually Ui

secure justice to their settlers. If they could procure us Representative Government, it would be the surest means of doing so. And in such case, and if their finances recover, it would not be bad policy in them even to give a regular salary to such representatives as the inhabitants of their settlements should choose, if no other way could be found. But it is idle to speculate on any of these things, since we may expect so soon to , hear if* what has actually been done.

But one thing is certain, that in no case will the old mode of carrying on public works be resumed. That crying evil having been once got rici of, is not to be revived, even (which there are not) were there any finances to make it possible. And those bf the labourers who took advantage of the Government's neglect in not establishing a proper Executive here, by refusing fair work and riotously insisting on exorbitant wages, may take this as a proof that injustice and wrong sooner or later bring about their own punishment. With respect to those who are in distress, we think something should be done to relieve them temporarily, now that Government, in disregard of Lord Stanley's distinct sanction, has again deserted its duty by withholding the requisite relief. For though Captain Fitzßoy declared in Council, on the 19th September, 1844, that " as soon as he was able to leave Auckland he would hasten to the distressed settlers in Cook's Straits,"' all he has done has been to offer work at Wellington at ten shillings a week. This to labourers at Nelson, with no means of getting there, is adding mockery to the neglect of duty we need not have been surprised at. In raising some small subscriptions to assist some of the most distressed for a few weeks till harvest, we think the clergymen and ministers of religion should take the lead. They should know best how to distribute such relief; the main difficulty in the case; a difficulty much increased by the culpable conduct of several of the labouring class themselves, who, not being in any absolute need of assistance, have not. been above demanding it, to the exclusion of the really necessitous. What sympathy can they expect from other classes, showing so little for persons of their own ?

Let us be excused for recommending to all* in this prospect of a possible change in our circumstances for the better, no abandonment or abatement in the slightest degree of that feeling of which we think was so manfully shown here on the occasion of the Company's stoppage. The true source and secret of strength and prosperity is self-reliance. Trust to nothing else ; and all advantages from without may then be set down as clear, though not absolutely necessary, gain. We have been requested to state by the Secretary of the Horticultural Society that a box cf seeds, recently sent out from England by a well-wisher to the colony, lies at our office, where members may obtain them on application.

We have received by the Carbon our papers from Wellington to the 7th instant, from Sydney to November 7, and from Fort Phillip to November 2.

The Ceops. — We are gratified in being | able to state that the appearance of the! crops throughout the settlement is, with very few exceptions, highly satisfactory. In the Waimea, fern land will mostly yield from 25 to 30 bushels of wheat per acre, and there are patches where the quantity will be greater. A few acres of swamp, cultivated by Mr. Smith, give such extraordinary promise, that we must decline mentioning the estimated crop lest we should be deemed .guilty of a species of quackery for which this colony has, unfortunately, become somewhat notorious. At the Moutere, the cultivations of Messrs. Moss and Murray are looking vreil, and the wheat, though thin in places, will yield an average return. At Motuaka, which consists almost wholly of woodland, but little progress has been made in cultivation, from the great expense of clearing. The patches of grain here and there, however, bear ample testimony to the general fruitfulness of the soil. Mr. Moore has a field of barley looking remarkably fine, which is the third crop of grain grown' in succession on the same ground -without manure ; a couple of acres of wheat belonging to Mr. Fearon is proba- 1 bJy the finest in the settlement; and Dr."

Greenwood has a small piece of barley on a reclaimed swamp which might satisfy the most inveterate of grumblers. In the Rewaka the cultivators are principally of the labouring class. Their allotments, consisting of from four to eight acres each, are mostly under crop (excepting portions reserved for potatoes), and promise a rich reward for their well-directed labours. We regret to add that two , or three patches are very smutty. The quantity of land brought under cultivation by this gallant little community is about 160 acres, of which 70 may be grain.