Nelson Evening Mail MONDAY, MAY 7, 1934 THE EMPIRE’S UNITY

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXVI, 7 May 1934, Page 4

Nelson Evening Mail MONDAY, MAY 7, 1934 THE EMPIRE’S UNITY

WHEN, recently, the matter of the Constitution of South Africa was under discussion in the Union Parliament, the question was asked, If Great Britain were at war, what would be the position of South Africa?—and the answer was that it would be at war automatically, since Simons Town is a base of the British Navy, and the fact that British warships would be using the port continually would involve South Africa in the prevailing hostilities and place it in a state of war. But other parts of the Empire would be in the same position. In the Irish Free State Treaty it is stated specifically that Great Britain shall retain the use of .certain ports for the purposes of the Royal Navy, and it necessarily must follow that if it used those ports in time of war, as certainly it would, Southern Ireland would be at war simultaneously. In New Zealand we have a naval squadron based on Auckland. Its vessels form the New Zealand squadron of the Royal Navy and are manned by crews drawn from Great Britain and this Dominion, who are paid by the New Zealand Government. Evidently if Great Britain were at war, these vessels would be called upon to play their part, and this country would be at war. Australia and Canada are in much the same position. Therefore it will be seen that if Great Britain were at war, the Dominions would be in a state of war simultaneously. A declaration of war by Great Britain would of course directly involve India and the Crown Colonies of Great Britain. In fact, the whole Empire is one unit in that respect, and is at war, if Great Britain is at war. And the converse would seem to be true, namely, that if an outlying part of the Empire, such as Australia or New Zealand, were attacked by a belligerent nation, Great Britain would automatically be in a state of war, and could legitimately be cailed on for assistance, which doubtless would be forthcoming. These hypothetical cases have been referred to, not because it is anticipated that such contingencies as those mentioned are likely to occur, but in order to illustrate the fact that the component ' parts of our far-flung Empire are more closely united than some people suppose. There is another indissoluble means which binds the Empire’s component parts together. This is thoir common allegiance to the Crown. In the case of the Irish Free State this is provided for in the oath of allegiance which is specified in the Treaty. In So uth Africa the Constitution, which it seisms has lately been amended or recast, provides that members of parliament shall declare their allegiance to the •Governor-Gen-eral, who is the King’s representative in tlie country, nominated and approved by tlie King and the Government of the Union. In India the Viceroy is the direct representative of the King, nominated and appointed by the British Government witli Ilis Majesty’s approval. The Governors-General of Dominions such as Canada., Australia, and New Zealand are nominated and appointed conjointly by the King and tlie respective Governments concerned. So it will he seen that though the Empire may appear to he loosely united, there is in every unit of it (in the Crown Colonies as well as in the Dominions) a representative of the King who is persona grata with tlie government of the territory to which he is appointed r.nd, in the case of the Dominions, is in direct communication with His Atajesty. In the case of India, the British Govarn-

ment is intermediate between the government, including tlm Governor-Gen-eral, and the Crown, and the same rule pertains to the Governors of Colonies. But when Dominion status was created, it was decided that the Governor-Gen-eral of the Dominions would be appointed irrespectively of the British Government, since Great Britain itself is a Dominion and a member of tlie British Commonwealth of Nations, as is every other Dominion, including the Irish Free State. Furthermore, the equality of status of the members of the British Commonwealth of Nations gives that body increased stability, since all of them are on the same political footing, and for one of them to demand innovations or privileges in inspect of status would necessarily bring from the other Dominions a protest that the relationship of one Dominion to the Crown and the Commonwealth is a matter of concern to all the Dominions.

This matter of the cohesion of the Empire is of’ major importance to such Dominions as Australia and New Zealand, which rightly or wrongly have a certain apprehension that their independence may be threatened 'Ey Japan. There are those who, well acquainted with the aspirations of Japan, acquit her of designs on Australia and New Zealand. Whether that be the correct view or not, Australia and New Zealand do not stand alone in the matter of protection, but have behind them the strength of the whole Empire.