The Nelson Evening Mail THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1932 GERMANY’S PREDICAMENT

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LXVI, 1 September 1932, Page 6

The Nelson Evening Mail THURSDAY, SEPTEMBER 1, 1932 GERMANY’S PREDICAMENT

UPON first thoughts the situation in Germany may not seem to be of universal interest. As a matter of fact Germany is the main bulwark between the Bolshevists of Russia and Western Europe, and therefore her welfare is a matter of great concern to the Western Powers of Europe,- and to the civilised world at large. That accounts for the policy of the late AI. Briand, of the various French Governments during the last few years, and of British statesmen, whether of Labour or National Governments : all have been actuated by a desire to assist Germany to stand firmly on her feet, both in an economic and a political sense, and it was hoped that they had largely accomplished their purpose. But recent news seems to show that the country is seething with political unrest, and that only the firm hand of her veteran President, Field-Marshal von Hindenburg, prevents her from falling into a complete state of chaos. Until recently the President ruled constitutionally. But in the early summer lie went for a holiday among his Junker friends of East Prussia, and when he returned to Berlin lie completely changed Ins policy. Dismissing the Bruening Government. which had decided to divide the large landed estates into small farms, lie called oil Colonel von Papen to form a. Ministry, which, though it was without- a following in. the Reichstag, he installed in office. This "Monocle Cabinet” (so called because it was composed almost, entirely of Prussian Junkers) was evidently intended as a stop-gap. It was thought, both in Germany and else-

where, that at the approaching general election Herr Hitler’s National Socialists (or Nazis) tvould sweep the polls. Indeed, the President appeared to think that the future of Germany lay in the hands of the popular leader whose political organisation is the strongest in Germany. The Nazis were permitted by the President to appear in public in uniforms, at parades and other functions. Herr Hitler w r as treated with deference by Chancellor von Papen and his Cabinet. It looked as if Herr Hitler’s day of triumph was at hand. Then came the general elections. The results surprised everybody, but nobody more than Herr Hitler and his followers. They lad increased their seats in the Reichstag, but not sufficiently to dominate that Chamber. Nevertheless it would have been thought that the President would have called on Herr Hitler to form a Alinistry. Von Hindenburg did no such -thing. He continued von Papin’s Government in office, and when the Reichstag was opened, early this week, an emergency decree, signed by the President, gave Chancellor von Papen the power "to dissolve the Reichstag if it demands the amendment of old or now decrees, or attempts to counteract his (President von Tindenburg’si or the Government’s domestic policy.” To this the Nazis’ principal ■journal has replied by pointing out the similarity between von Papen’s Government and a Dictatorship supported by bayonets, and it is evident that Germany is in a state which borders upon political upheaval. President von Hindenburg, however, is a veteran in more ways than one, and doubtless is of the opinion that desperate situations demand desperate measures. The reason of his policy, which is largely in keeping with the constitutional provisions for dealing with a political emergency, may be found in the speech of the extraordinary "Red” Clara Zetkin, in her opening address to the Reichstag: “I would like to demand the impeachment of President Hindenburg, but it would be like sending the Devil to his grandmother.” Th" President’s high-handed policy is the result of the spectre of Communism which looms over Germany.

Although Herr Hitler may be considered to be the President’s political opponent, they both are opponents of the Communists. In reality they are united in their devotion to Germany. Neither probably is a good republican, though they are working under the republican regime. Probably both of them would like to see the restoration of the monarchy, but they know that -the time is not ripe. In the meantime, President von Hindenburg uses his position and his great prestige with the people of Germany to keep the sliip ( of state on an even keel amid the storms and stress which assail it from every side. No one but the Communists doubt that Herr Hitler is equally patriotic. In the last resort the two leaders must work together, but like political opponents all the world over they contend for the right to govern. It has heen said, both inside and outside of Germany, "After Hindenburg, Hitler.” The great Field-ATarshal is very old. He is likely to remain President as long as he wishes, or until hi 3 long life conies naturally to an end. While he lives it is within his power to protect Germany from the dangers of Communism, and in case of his decease Hen - Hitler would form a strong barrier against that danger. Furthermore the strong Junker faction must naturally place itself on the side of Hitler, if there is a real struggle between him and the forces of Communism. The weakness of Germany would be in the disruption of the forces which are working for her political salvation. At the present time those forces would seem to lack unity. But "Red” Clara Zetkin’s speech should do something to unite -them, since she revealed the virulence and the purpose of the Communists clearly. The Junkers, by themselves, would fall. The Hitlerites might or might not be able of themselves to combat the Communists. But the Hitlerites and the Junkers, combined, could preserve Germany from all dangers which might assail her from within. In the Reichstag the Communists are helpless. Should they resort to desperate means, in the country, they would surely meet with the overwhelming opposition of the Nazis, the Junkers, and the army of the Reich. So that Germany seems safe, so long as von Hindenburg and Herr Hitler control her political destiny.