BRITISH POLITICS

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume LVI, 16 October 1922, Page 5

BRITISH POLITICS

MB Liaya GEORGE AT MANCHESTER A HutiSINII lIKOUW'IOX ISHIM.V TO OIUTIOISM (By Electric Telegraph. Copyright.) (Australian & N./,. Table Association.) j LONDON, Get. 14, | Air Uoyd George was musingly re- 1 ccived when he rosi- at the Manehest- ! cr luncheon. He said that, since com- j dig iiui'th he had not noticed any syrup 1 ions nf indignation or execration with j which the present Government were supposed to lie regarded everywhere. | "On the contrary I have been received j with unusual cordiality and enthusiasm. I The people of Britain did not believe j the Government had endeavoured tot rush the country into war. We have! been, not, war mongers but peace | mangers Nevertheless the Government, j lias been assailed with misrepresent;! j non I lie like of which no other Go- 1 veniment- had had to face in this coua-, t tv. There were queer people let) loose in the press to-day. The Go-j veniment aims in the Near East crisis have, been threefold—freedom cf the Straits, prevention of war spreading to Europe, and prevention of a. repetition in Europe of the unutterable horror in j Asia Minor. The Great- War practically began in the- Balkans. The Go-1 veniment had had to act- promptly and thinly. Since 191.4, according to official! testimony, the Turks in cold blood had slaughtered one and a half million Armenia ns amt half a million Greeks. The Government had pursued a policy In accordance with the highest interests and traditions of this land. General llarington warned us there were 15,000 to 20,000 armed Turks inside Constantinople. France sent a message stating that- if either Greeks or Turks invade the neutral zone they must be resisted with force bv the Allies. Wo accepted that, and thought France meant it. It is useless frying to bluff a first-rate fighting animal. Yon can decide, not. to threaten but must not threaten unless yon mean it. It was because Britain threatened and meant it and the Turks knew we meant it that we had peace. .Mr Asquith said they should show the patient- forbearing policy that Lord Grey showed the Germans hi 1914 and should imt have departed from the old diplomacy; but the old diplomacy resulted in the most disastrous war the world had ever known. Tie did not desire to blame anyone for it- but Air Asquith and Lord Givv knowing their own past difficulties and failures despite the best, intentions, ought not to have thrown stones at people doing their utmost to face enormous difficulties. “I did not improvise the policy regarding Turkey. I inherited it. 'There was a series of .agreements with Russia, France, Italy, and Greece to leave Turkey only a strip of Anatolia before I became Prime Minister. Lord Grey and Mr Asquith did that. I approved as a member of ffie Government; so did Lord Balfour, Mr Bonar Law and Mr Chamberlain, and the Labourites. That policy failed through* circumstances none of us could control. The Russian revolution, the United States’ failure to undertake a mandate over Armenia, and the fall of Vorizelos. We had to recast our policy and make the best of it, arid we have secured a bloodless peace of which Britain need not be ashamed, securing the freedom of the Straits and of the Arabs, and protecting the minorities of Southern Europe Now must obtrude personal matters, because they become matters of controversy. Sir Donald Maclean, a friend whom I like and respect highly, has finally kicked the Coalition Liberals out of the Liberal Party. There are '“diehards” in both camps. If there is to be a change no man will welcome it mox-o than I. I have had a. pretty Jong and hard spell and would love freedom. Office is a great shackle. 1 never sought the premiership. I offered to serve in any capacity in any ministry prepared to conduct, the war efficiently. I offered to serve under Lord Balfour and Mr Bonar Law. Again in 1919 I. begged Mr Bonar Law to take charge) but he refused. Again, at the beginning of this year, I suggested to Mr Chamberlain that as the leader of the strongest party he should take charge, offering to serve under him in any capacity provided a policy of peace was followed, no reactionary legislation was introduced, and the contract with Ireland was carried out. Air Chamberlain refused and tiie Ministry asked me to carry on. i should rcgiet severance from men ■who served me faithfully and helped along in the country’s interests policies wliich their supporters opposed, but. I would welcome freedom It would be interesting to watch others in the midst of difficulties they think so easily soluble. 1 shall watch, for instance, how ihey forgive Germany her reparations, yet* make France love us more; how we con pay the United States, yet forgive other countries everything they owe us. I shall watch how they work the educational system and give more to unemployed, yet reduce taxation. These are joys in store. I understand a motion will be submitted to the Conservative Convention favouring dispensing with my services. It would have been more honourable and courageous to have moved it in 1918. , On the other hand the ‘Woe Frees’ say they will not have anything to do with me or any of my associates. Despite these things 1 have many friends among the Conservatives and Liberals and those not attached to any party. I am not afraid of the future. 1 shall cast myself upon the people whose cause 1 never betrayed in thirty-two years of public life. *My course is clear. I will support- with all my might any Gov eminent which devotes all its energies fearlessly and resolutely to the supreme task of 'giving the people enough to devote themselves to the peaceful vocations of life, always provided they don't, embark on measures, whether reactionary or revolutionary, which would inflict permanent ' injury on this country. The future is perplexed. The situation of the world and Britain ia too grave for any man ‘to play party or personal manoeuvres. The ‘Wee Frees’ had brought the Liberal party to the brink of destruction by that kind of twaddle. Those who are now engaging in the same game with the Conservative Party will live to reap disappointment and disillusionment. The nation will not forgive parties which sacrificed national interests in a great emergency for party gain. I shall play no party or personal game. _ I place national security and prosperity above party interests, and if, as a consequence thereof, I drift into the wilderness I shall always recall with pride that I had been able, through the loyalty of mv colleagues during the dark 'hours of our history, to render my country no mean service. I shall be niraid of hnvimr attempted things

which have still not reached complete success. Above all I shall be proudest, if this were the last day I hold office, that it was given to me in the last days and weeks of my premiership fo involve the might of this great Empire in order to protect from indescribable horrors men, women and children bv hundreds of thousands who tmsied :o ih- plighted words of France, Italy ,r | for shelter an J defence." „r Lloyd George, spoke for seventy - live minutes and closed amidst thunderous and continued applause. Alter leaving Manchester Mr Lloyd i;,,iK,., in the presence of a large audience',il Sal ford, was presented with the freedom of the borough. Thre was a similar ceremony , at P.|.ici:po,.l. where three thousand were present.

MR CHAMBERLAIN AT BIRMINGHAM

RELATIONS WITH MR LLOYD GEORGE RRITAIN'S FOREIGN POLICY LONDON, Oct. 13. Mr Austin Chamberlain, at Birmingham, declared that he could not say when the election would take place. It was Mr Llovd George's prerogative to dissolve Parliament, but he .was convinced that in any new Parliament ihere must be a Coalition Government, If Labour obtained' a majority at the dec'.:..ps. he foreshadowed Government bv caucus with a capita! levy destroying industry. "We must not, therefore," lie said, "permit the national reconstruction experiments to fall into the hands of a subversive, if not a revolutionary party." Mr Chamberlain said that he apoke undeV a great sense of obligation to the party which he had represented for thirt'v vears. He thought that in the days" of .struggle and stress he should subordinate his own party aims and personal considerations to the. welfare of the Empire. H" had worked with Mr Lloyd George in perfect harmony. The Prime Minister had stated- T do not know when ait election will come." The threat *>f direct action had been raised again, and he could not pretend to say when the ejection would take place. It was the Prime Minister's undoubted right to advise the King when the PaVliamei i should be dissolved. He had strengthened the Unionist element in the Cabinet, and no question of principle had ever separated them. Mr Chamberlain, referring to Britain's foreign policy, said we had been determined as far'as lay in our power to prevent war, which devastated Asia Minor, from spreading into Europe. He believed the Government's policy had been successful, but its success was not due to any help received from the Opposition in ' the recent crisis. "We had been the heirs of Mr Asquith's and Lord Grey's policy." He could not pretend to sav in what circumstances or conditions the co-operation between ourselves and our present Allies could best be obtained in the new Parliament. He could say with conviction that wiir.r should be our-first confflderntion. ' but it would be criminal," he declared) "to allow a marrow party of prejudices to sacrifice the country's interests and betray a great cause, which we as a party should cherish and maintain, which, if abandoned or betrayed bv us. cannot be sustained by any other force within the Tfealm. No question of principle divided the Liberals and Unionists, colleagues Jit the present These are not the days for reviving differences, but for rallying all parties "to fhe defence of the Constitution and social and order, whereon our safety and prosperity depend." $ He had no doubt, when the House of Commons came into being, it -would bo verv different from the present 11 ruse. If Labour obtained a majority, heavy would he the responsibility of those who could not take a national vk-w in t ; me of national danger. Direct action would triumph over a Government, who, as Mr Clynes had said, would not be allowed to lead, but musttake instructions from the caucus.

Mr. Chamberlain, in concluding, emphasised the neutrality of the Government as between the Greeks andJTurks. The Kemalists had been encouraged by some divergence in the Allied policy and by their victory over the Greeks to try' conclusions with the Allies. Britain's main object had been to prevent Constantinople sharing the fate of Smyrna. - The value of Lord Curzon's services in tins matter could not be over rated. Mr Asquith and Lord Grey were always praising their diplomacy of other days, but the end of their skilful dh> loiiiacy, howeveiy ; was the Great War. The Allies hoped and were encouraged by President Wilson to believe that America would take an active in the settlement of peace with Turkey. They had been disappointed by subsequent events-, such as non-ratification of the Peacfc Treaty of August, 1920, and the recall of Tino, which had profoundly affected the Government's policy. M. Bouillon had visited Angora. This and other events had encouraged Kemalist pretensions and gave a suggestion of a. possible want of unity among the Allies who, including the French, had previously agreed that aoy attack by either Turks or Greaks on neutral zones should be forcibly repelled. The Fieneh military forces had received instruction to withdraw, and Britain was confronted with a serious problem. The Government thereupon decided to maini tain the freedom of the Straits until they were handed over to the League of Nations. Thus the Straits had been preserved from, danger and tse Peace Conference secured.