BRITISH POLITICS.

Nelson Evening Mail, Volume XLV, Issue XLV, 16 April 1910, Page 5

BRITISH POLITICS.

THE VETO DEBATE. AN EXCITING SCENE. THE GOVEKNMENT AND THB IRISH PAB-TY. [Peess Association—Copyeight.j LONDON. I'naay. i Mr Hope's amendment was negatived by 328 to 217. . The next phase of the debate led to much excitement. Mr Chamberlain's amendment to exclude the sco;'e of the resolution from Bills creating subordinate Parliaments in the United Kingdom was negatived by 351 'c 245. Meanwhile, prior to one of these divisions, Mr Asquith was ruled out cf order on Mr Balfour's intervention. There had been use of the guillotine rule, and the time allotted did not permit of the introduction of controversial statements regarding the Government's intention under certain hypothetical circumstances. An opportunity now presented itself on the introduction of the Bill, and Mr Asquith, in a packed, tense, and eagerly expectant House, made his deferred statement. "If th e House of Lords does not accept the Government's policy," he said, "our duty will be to advise the Crown that steps are nested to give the policy statutory effect in this Parliament, and in the event of our inability to secure such eifedt we will resign or dissolve. In no case would we recommend a dissolution except upon conditions securing that the judgment of the people, as expressed at the election, would be carried into law in the next Parliament." (Prolonged MiHisteriui

cheers.) Mr Balfour in turn was given a great reception. He described tho statement as of tne importance. It was the culmination of the neg)iiations- for ensuring the acceptance -Jf the Budget by the Nationalists, in the hope of obtaining Home Eule, and giving the Government a Bill whereon its reputation wag staked. The Govern-'

ment was paying an extravag-int price. In what position had Mr Asquith put the Crown? He conceived that in an extreme case the Premier might ask for guarantees, or in other words for the creation of peers, out the idea of anticipating that advise by months by announcing that in unknown and undermined circumstances

he would suggest what was nothiag short of the destruction of the constitution was beyond th e idea of duty of any of his predecessors. (CheersHe had successfully bought the Irish vote for the Budget; but the price paid was •the price of the dignity of his office. (Renewed cheering.) Sir Edward Carson argued that if the Unionist party was-as corrupt as Mr Churchill imagined, it was able by a mere promise of Home Rule lo defeat the resolutions and the Budget. After the resolution was carried the third was adopted by 333 to 236. Tiw report stage was passed, and Mr Asquith introduced a Bill based on the three resolutions.

The Liberals rose, waving hats and handkerchiefs, and cheered themselves hoarse.

Immediately thereafter the Speaker declared the House adjourned, the Ministerialists again cheering. • Mr S. Wilson shouted, "Cheer 3o\n Redmond, your master; he won." Amid angry protests and cries of "order," Mr J. Eedmond stepped excitedly towards Mr Wilson, but several members intercepting, restrained him.

"Th 0 Times" describes Mr Asquiui as at Mr Redmond's bidding drinking the cup of humiliation to the dregs. It wa s monstrous that the Premier should put pressure on the King to give him power to coerce the second chamber by the threat of a wholesale creation of peers. The Crown was to be deliberately dragged in the mire of party conflict, and the King was to be subjected to embarrassment and indignity such as no sovereign had endured since the revolution of 1688. Sir Edward Carson's argument arose from Mr Churchill's opening remark that if the Conservative party, purposes giving self-government to Ireland, the Lords would be pliable and not oppose it. Mr Churchill said it was lucky thar Britain was able t 0 give a constitution to South Africa by letters patent under the Crown. Thus the House of Lords was unable to prevent or nr.v tilate the Constitution, which alone secured the unity and prosperous-con-tinuance of South Africa within the Empire. But as compared with that •great «tep, which was dependent upon the House of Common ß alone to grant a Parliament to Ireland, subject to the Imperial Parliament's supremacy, it was less important and less grave. The Government believed that this would not only be attended by circumstances less radical than the case of th e South African Constitution but that it would enormously strengthen the unity and prosperity of t«e Empire.

PROVIDING FOE A CRISIS. IN THE HOUSE OP COMMONS. LONDON, Pri'lsr. Mr Asquith announced that the vote on account of supply lor six weeks will be taken next week, and the House will adjourn on the 28th lor three weeks, though possibly there will be an informal sitting on the 29th to receive the Royal assent to the Budget. POSTPONING A DISSOLUTION. THE LORDS' VETO BILL. THE BUDGET, NO CONCESSIONS TO IRELAND. (Received April 16, 9.15 a.m.) LONDON, Friday. It is understood that Mr. Asquith intends to carry the Lords' Veto Bill through the House of Commons, and if possible a similar Bill will be introduced in the House of Lords, which will give its decision on the second reading. This will defer a general election until early in July. The alternative is introducing the resolutions in the House of Lords. Mr Asquith's statement shows that the Budget will be passed without Irish concessions promised to Mr O'Brien and Mr Healy.