WELLINGTON NOTES.

Northern Advocate, 21 October 1920, Page 1

WELLINGTON NOTES.

(From a Correspondent.)

WELLINGTON, Oct. 14 INDSTRIAL UNREST.

Although, -at time of writing, the industrial situation seems much easier than it was a week ago, it would be a mistak 6 to assume that the danger of an upheaval n labour circles is at an end. So-called Industrialism—the sort that appeals to the "class conscious" worker —appears to have enmeshed with its fallacious arguments and revolutionary propaganda quite a considerable section of the workers controlled by the Alliance of Labour, of the doings of which but little is heard by the average man. Evidence is not however wanting that th e sinister compelling force it exercises i_ being used to promote trouble The waterside workers, the coal min-ers,-and the transport workers are being gradually brought into line and made to' do things which probably the majority of them have no fancy for. Although, outwardly, there is no semblance,of "direct action" on the part iif the Alliance, insidiously and almost imperceptibly its hidden hand makes itself felt as a subtle, all-pervading influence, working through a few individuals (always the most noisy and less reputable section), on the wharves amongst the watersiders, on the shipping amongst the firemen and seamen, in the coal mines where the rope men, the truckers, and the miners are all brought into line and act as a check upon one another, and on the railways amongst the train-run-ring staffs and the members of the service generally. Is it any wonder therefore .that at times the sphere of the labour world becomes overcast and surcharged with industrial electricity that threatens to expend itself in violent outbursts that constitute a very real menace to the community generally and to the dwellers in the cities •particularly. MENACE TO LOYAL WORKERS;

There are no better paid workers in New Zealand than the watersi'ders and the coal miners. Yet .there are none who impose more grievous burdens on the public—burdens hard to be borne because of their direct effect upon the already high cost of living. The men practically exact their own terms in both cases and their example and influence, often of a nost mischievous character, re-acts upon the railway men. There are "Red Feds" in practically every sectipn ,of tabQur■. _o_day f hut ,they -sia>,. ply abound in the trinity of unions which acknowledges the sway iof vhe Alliance of Labour. The latter is seemingly filling 'the position hitherto occupied -by the now defunct Federation of Labour, leading officials of which have, by the way, found their way into Parliament while -olthers ■practically control the fortunes of the so-called New Zealand Labour Party. 'There are many workers in each of the unions who would gladly be free froim the dominance of the union "bosses" and those who direct their agitations. But if they darad to open their mouths in opposition to the leaders at the union meetings or actively opposed the semi-revolu-tioniariies, they would become marked men and something would assuredly happen to them. Thus, :a watersider whose ideas irun on the lines of constitutional as opposed to direct ac* tion, when asked why he did'nbt take bis stand against the revolutionary spirits ait the union meetings said: "I've got a wife and 5 kids, and I don't want something to fall on me the next time I'm working in the hatchway. They'd give me a good funeral if I passed out and subscribe a few pounds for the wife, but what good would that be to me? No, thank you, I've no wish .to die just yet." And, unfortunately, that just about expresses *h e sentiment and belief of the better class of watersiders in this city. Unless they go with the mob they become marked men and sooner or later something happens to them that either cripples them for life or removes them frpm the sphere of earthly activity. THE MINERS' POSITION. , The position in the mines is much the same. The loyal worker is intimidated and compelled to hold his ( peace iby those of his fellows who, j if they dared, would adopt I.W.W. j tactics and who alt heart sympathise I with Lenin and Trotsky in their i ruthless campaign of bloodshed and tyranny against so-called "Capitalism" and the capitalists. The greater number of the miners have probably neithe rsympathy nor time for the "pin-pricking" tactics adopted by their leaders which finds expression in "stop-work" meetings, strikes, *nd "go-slow" moveme-nlt. But, unless they fall into line they know that they too become marked 'mien. cently the leaders decided to impose a levy upon the miners on behalf of the Broken Hill strikers. They had neilther th e legal nor the moral right to enforce its payment and some of the miners declined to meet the levy. To coerce them into doing so, the miners at certain of the mines

went out on strike and issued an ultimatum that the men must either pay the levy or be discharged by the management. At other mines a "goslow" movement was initiated with the same object in view, but at the State mine the men decided they would only work seven days a fortnight instead of 11, thus reducing their earning capacity by £5 4s a fortnight, their average earnings for the previous six months, working 11 days per fortnight having been 28s 4d gross, and 26s Id net per day. THE COUNTRY SUFFERS. When the national agreement was arrived at in March last, the hope was entertained that th e repeated stop- ' pages and strikes and the go-slow movement were at an end. The three in combination had reduced tiie country to a state of partial starvation so far as coal supplies were concerned, and the industrial life of the nation was being threatened to an alarming extent, while the policy of the men was absolutely prohibitive of any accumulation of reserved stock which should have been built up. The position certainly improved for a time and then, with almost scientific exactness, th e old policy of reducing output by stop work meetings,| strikes and go-slow was reverted to. The result is seen in the record of 10 mines workd by members of the New Zealand Coal-mine Owners' Association, who report a loss in output of something like 49,000 tons of coal since March last, with a loss in wages to the miners alone of £23,572. LOSS TO THE PUBLIC. But the loss to the public is even s-re'ater because the scarcity of coal adds to its value and is reflected in its selling price, besides interfering with the regular employment of the cement workers and others who are dependent upon coal for motive power purposes. Since 1916, when the Dominion output of coal was 2,257,135 tons, the decrease in the supply available from the New Zealand mines has, up to !th e end of 1919, averaged 273,6216 tons per annum, the reduction in output' for the three years (1917, 191(8, and 1919> being 820,----888 tons. The shortage has had to b 6 made good as far 'as possible by importations. Thus there has not only been the loss in wages which would have been expended in this country,, and the loss to both the State and company-owned mines resulting from the (reduced output, but the consumer has been heavily taxed in making good his deficient £4,,,£5, and'even <£7 per ton "having.been paid for imported coal. ,;On a very modest computation the loss to the country in wages which would have been paid to the miners, and in the increased Cost of the coal necessarily imported to make good the deficiency may ibe set down at not less than £2,000,000 sterling and, when the indirect effect of the shortage is taken into account the loss would easily run into double that sum. The manufacture of cement is held up, building operations are suspended, factories dependent upon coal for power purposes have in some cases had to close down or reduce Ithe number of their hands, thus causing unemploysmsnt, and the housewife glazes disconsolate-! ly at her empty coal bin, while our largest city has been held up for a fortnight with neither trams running nor gas nor electric lighting supplies available, and the whole business reacts on the country as an intolerable burden. WHOSE IS THE BLAME? It is a difficult an'atter to apportion the blame, Collectively the miners are of course responsible, but individual miners imay be exonerated. It has been asked, what is the 'Government doing? Why does it not igrapple with the problem more vigoirously? But when men will not work, or, working, refuse to put forth the best thlat is in them, there is no known power such as' British people would invoke that can coerce or induce them tb do so. And when back of it all there is so subtle an influence at work, using the miners as the advance guard of the revolution which a certain class of people, including som.'i ' Labour M.'sP., do not hesitate to advocate, the, solution of the trouble becomes even more difficult, especially with the class of revolutionary ' "literature" that is circulated and read by the miners. The situation is grave and the crisis that has been impendng for so long may land us in serious trouble, which before it is over will prove a severe trial of patience tp the country. This may involve further losses and put sacrifices uppn th e people which they are ill prepared to bear, but if every benest man and woman stands loyally by the State and the 'Constitution and supports the Government in the steps, that may be forced upon it, fy preserve the peace, and 1 to deliver the country from the pernicious doctrines of th I.W.W. and the advocates of Soviefcisim, the danger will pas» even as th e war has passed,