Plain Speaking Concerning Russian Attitude

Manawatu Times, Volume 70, Issue 265, 9 November 1945, Page 5

Plain Speaking Concerning Russian Attitude

Foreign Secretary Pins Hopes on United Nations’ Organisation United Press Assn.—By Electric Telegraph.—Copyright. Received Thursday, 8.10 p.m. LONDON, Nov. 8. A frank statement, which was repeatedly cheered, was made by Mr. Ernest Bevin, Foreign Minister, in the House of Commons debate on foreign affairs, arising out of President Truman’s recent statement of his “Twelve-Point” policy. The debate was opened by Mr. Churchill, who referred to the difficulties which had arisen over the question of retaining the secrets of the atomic bomb, especially in relation to Russia. Mr. Bevin made a forceful appeal for frankness, for a "cards on the table” attitude, and declared that a policy for world peace was absolutely predominant. Mr. Bevin spoke of the frightful nightmare of insecurity arising at every turn, and there were cheers when he said, “I appeal to the Great Powers, on behalf of the British Government (we are ready to do it) to put their cards on the table, face upwards.”

Mr. Bevin asked why Russia should close her doors against contacts with the outside world. He asserted Britain’s right to friendly relations with the Western European nations. Not for a moment since he had held office had he considered the atomic bomb when making decisions. He hoped the world would accept his declaration that he never once allowed himself to think he could arrive at this or that decision because England was in possession of the atomic bomb. Referring to “the very serious claim of scientists to supersede the State,” Mr. Bevin declared the Government could not surrender to any section of the community powers or duties in the field of government. People who gave an undertaking to observe the honour of their country when selected for research ought to respect the undertaking. The campaign which had gone on recently was disturbing and unfair to responsible members and the Government. DISTURBED MINDS “Let it be remembered we are not the sole agents in this matter,” Mr. Bevin added. “I want members to feel there is a great disturbance in the United States in the public mind, as the possessors of this bomb and having the responsibility of it, than there is in some countries who are not in possession of the bomb. When considering a step that might be disastrous it is right to contemplate not only the conditions you are prepared to observe but also the conditions others sharing the trust are going to observe.” Mr. Bevin appealed to members not to be too impatient in this transition period. He did not believe the world was going to be settled by the old time method of peace conferences as in 1919. (Cheers.) He was guided in reaching his decisions by whether they fitted in with our obligations in connection with the United States, but admitted there was a conflict, “a conflict of principle that only time, understanding and conciliation can reconcile. You get a fright ful nightmare of unsecurity arising at every turn. On the other hand you have the principle of cooperation as the goal. A great difficulty arises because of the terriffic struggle of the past six years a 3 to whether or not you can entirely obliterate what are called spheres of influence and Power politics. Sometimes in these negotiations Power politics seem to be too naked and unashamed, but the next moment you are searching and striving for other ideals.” PLAIN SPEAKING Mr. Bevin’s voice was raised in a manner charged with vehemence as he declared: “Neither am I prepared to accept the position so often blared from the Moscow radio claiming the right to have friendly relationships with their near neighbours. I am not a criminal if I ask for good relationships with neighbours bordering on the British frontier. (Cheers.) What am I doing wrong? I’m doing nothing to injure anybody. I am not prepared to accept that position from any other country in the world. Just as the Government is prepared to give it claims the right to deal with France, Holland, Belgium, Scandinavia and other countries—not a western bloc for all purposes—but they are our cultural friends. (Cheers.) They are our historical associates. They acknowledge the same Democracy as we do. Therefore, I say I am entitled on behalf of the Government to have good neighbours in my street just as any other country is entitled to have good neighbours in its street, too. You will probably think I am a little energetic about this, but I am a little resentful, and I think the House will agree I am entitled to be. (Cheers.) if there have been invading arimes in Eastern Europe there has been the blast of war over Western Europe. Much of Europe’s great civilisation had been destroyed by this frightful struggle. Therefore, I welcome Mr. Truman’s declaration. I think the declaration a healthy one. “These things are to be done by i agreement, not by force and not by aggression,” added Mr. Bevin. “They j are to be voluntarily entered into by 1 the acquiescene of the people concerned. His Majesty’s Government accepts that and we want it not merely for our protection. We don’t want it because we are afraid to defend ourselves. We have given examples of that, Heaven only knows. ’' Mr. Bevin continued that there were people throughout the world believing in a higher standard of living for the masses than ever known before. There was a great demand for social justice and it could not be withheld. The question was whether it would become so impatient for satisfaction that it could not be satisfied quickly enough. President Truman had recognised this in his twelve points. “There is great excitement about suggestions that atomic energy is likely to produce great industrial changes very quickly. I don’t believe it. Is is going to be long, weary, hard, patient work for the new form of energy to be available to rejuvenate, by revolution, industrial energy.** That encouraged him to believe there would be time to build up the United Nations’ Organisation for peace, ana that as atomic energy would be evolvea for industry, the necessity for the use of the atomic bomb would disappear. Mr. Bevin then made a dramatic appeal to the great Powers to put their cards on the table. “We will take no step, will do nothing or allow any of our agents or diplomats to do anything ~n hatred or provoke a situation

detrimental to Russia in the Eastern countries.” (Cheers.) REMOVAL OF BURDENS. Mr. Bevin said he regarded economic developments and the lifting of burdens from the lives of the people as the most important thing in foreign policy. He believed Britain had much to give and much to gain by a proper exchange, mere need be no jealousy and no competition. Our capacity was so great that if such a declaration had been made in 1914, the world war might possibly have been avoided, and if repeated in 1939, the war then might equally have been avoided. These declarations were wonderful from the viewpoint of our people and the people of the United States, “but our policy must be such that it must be capable of being given effect to, if ever these declarations are challenged; that is to say, our relationship, planning and arrangements in economics and defence must be such that we must really mean that we shall stop aggression and be ready to stop aggression should the occasion arise.” (Cheers). He assumed that, when Mr. Truman referred to the navy and army and the industrial development of the United states, he was laying down not merely a slogan or a platitude, but indicating the roadway the United States intended to follow in relation to the rest of the world. Mr. Churchill had said his heart was heavy. “I must confess mine is not. I would say to Mr. Churchill that probably this Government is in a better position than ever a Government has been at the end of a war, because there is greater public consciousness of the duty and dangers that are ever in the history of a country.” Mr. Bevin expressed the opinion that the reason for this was the fact that civilians had paid the price as well as soldiers, and the fact that we had not profited from the war, but had to face a hill in high taxation and rationing. LAW AND ORDER MUST BE KEPT. The Government was in a ravoured position both to mould public opinion and to guide the great issue of peace or war. It was a common view that the atomic bomb would wipe out the need lor armies, navies and air forces, hut he thought that a misconception. He supposed it would be fair to say that in a century 80 to 90 per cent of the time of these forces would be engaged in police duties. Law and order had to be kept. “I do not want us tp get into a panic about the atomic bomb. Neither do I want it to be regarded as a substitute for the ordinary, normal policing of the world. I hope that, as the United Nations’ Organisation grows, we will succeed in cutting down military expenditure to the minimum, hut not to such a point as to make the United Nations’ organisation ineffective in the face of aggression. The Government at the moment has very wide obligations throughout the world. Do not let us keep our minds solely on atomic bombs. There are many many other forms of scientific investigation of an equally disastrous kind. ’ ’ Mr. Bevin added that there again it was a question at the moment of complete confidence as to whom it should be entrusted. The road to that confidence did not depend on scientific policy, hut upon confidence in the policy being followed and the obligations being entered. He did not believe anybody could devise a plan under which an international inspectorate would be worth anything. We had not yet arrived at the state at which there was complete trust. “We shall have to arrive at that state, but we have not arrived yet. We are too near the war. We agreed to give inventions to other countries. We did not have it in return. It may be that they were frightened to give it to us. But we did set an example. If the example is to be followed, let others with knowledge get in the pool. “Before we took undue risk at Moscow, Yalta and all the rest of the conferences, no one dreamed there would be further territorial demands, except here or there—in the straits and so forth—than had already been made. Warm water ports and everything had been conceded. Having conceded all this and not taken one inch of territory or asked for it, you cannot help being a little bit suspicious if a great Power wants to go right across the throat of the British Commonwealth, which has done no harm to anybody but fight this war. (Cheers). All this chopping and changing of frontiers over hundreds of years have made people very little richer, nor have they made them securer.” Dealing with criticism of the Empire, Mr. Bevin pointed out that the Empire had brought freedom where it had not existed and within a few months of the end of the war, the Government was making most strenuous efforts to extend the Commonwealth idea still further. Mr. Bevin ended with an appeal to fix hopes on the United Nations’ Organisation as the only way to create a world organisation capable of making scientific evolution the servant of man and not the destroyer.

President Truman, Mr. Attlee, and Mr. Mackenzie King will begin their , talks at the White House on Saturday, ! subsequently transferring to the presidential yacht.