The Times FRIDAY, JULY 11, 1941. Iceland

Manawatu Times, Volume 66, Issue 163, 11 July 1941, Page 4

The Times FRIDAY, JULY 11, 1941. Iceland

The decision of the United States to occupy Iceland'is a logical, and, it might be said, an inevitable extension of a policy of which the intention was made sufficiently clear when, on April 11, Greenland came under American control. One effect of the step will be to relieve Great Britain of part of the responsibility which she assumed at the time of the Nazi occupation of Denmark.

Iceland is within the Nazi war zone, as Greenland never actually has been. It will be remembered that it was in the waters between Greenland and Iceland that the battleship Bismarck first discovered herself to the British patrol in the engagement in which H.M.S. Hood was sunk. The distance from Nazi-occupicd Norway to the Icelandic area provides a possible cruising radius for German aircraft, preying on British shipping. Iceland is thus so situated, together with Greenland, as to be capable of playing an important part in the protection of the Atlantic lifeline between the United States and the British Isles.

From these islands a bomber patrol along the transAtlantic routes could conveniently be established, and even in great measure to replace, surface convoys; and in addition they provide suitable resting stages for aircraft flown from America which arc unable, to make the flight in one hop. The advantages to Great Britain of the United States occupation of Greenland and Iceland arc, therefore, immediate. Their strategic value to the United States, which President Roosevelt emphasises in his message to Congress, provides alone an overwhelming reason for the action that has been taken.

The Monroe Doctrine, which forbids the transference of territory in the Americas from one non-American Power to another has been extended by the present United States Administration upon the lines necessary to safeguard American approaches, and both Greenland and Iceland would strategically be in a position to constitute a very grave menace to the United States if they fell into hostile hands. Under the agreement concluded with the Danish Ambassador at Washington who refuses to recognise the authority of the Nazi-controlled Government of Denmark the United States assumed a virtual protectorate over Greenland which allov T s the right to build and maintain landing fields, fortifications and otherwise to “maintain defence facilities.”

The agreement with Iceland, which has been negotiated with the independent Government of that kingdom, may be expected to concede similar rights. As a sovereign State, Iceland was united with Denmark only to the extent of recognising the Danish king as king also of the Icelandic peoples, and there couldjie no constitutional difficulties in the way of the agreement that has now been reached. The United States undertaking to withdraw from Iceland when the present emergency is past is similar to that made with Greenland, but it is at least possible that these islands, having now recognised their common interests with the nations of the Western Hemisphere, will remain permanently within the United States defensive sphere. ,

The transaction is one upon which Mr. Roosevelt may well congratulate himself, while the Umpire peoples will be additionally gratified at his declaration to Congress that he has “authorised the Navy to take all necessary steps to ensure the safety of communications in the approaches between England and the United States.” This statement may reasonably be interpreted as envisaging the probability of a more active United States policy in assisting the British in the arduous work of maintaining the Atlantic communications.