Thank you for correcting the text in this article. Your corrections improve Papers Past searches for everyone. See the latest corrections.

This article contains searchable text which was automatically generated and may contain errors. Join the community and correct any errors you spot to help us improve Papers Past.

Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image
Article image

United Empire Supports Premier

Resistance to German Force Britain Stands Firmly By Her Pledge to Poland House of Commons Unanimous (British Official 'Wireless Service.) RUGBY, April 3. “I believe that this nation is now united not only in approval of what we have said, but in approval of the aim and purpose which lie behind it. 1 believe that the whole Empire shares in that approval,” declared the Prime Minister, Mr. Chamberlain, amid cheers in the House of Commons at the conclusion of a speech in which he reviewed the reasons for the recent British pledge to guarantee the independence of Poland and for the negotiations with other European Governments for the purpose of safeguarding Germany’s neighbours from aggression. Mr. Chamberlain spoke in the course of a debate. He expressed the view that the result of the debate would be to show the world that the whole House was fundamentally and generally unanimous in its approval of the declaration he made with regard to Poland on Friday, and that the House was united and determined to take whatever measures might be necessary to render the declaration effective. The opening speech by the deputy-leader of the Labour Opposition, Mr. A. Greenwood, and the subsequent course of the debate fully justified the Premier’s claim.

Mr. Chamberlain went on to approve the description which had been applied to his statement of Friday as a “cover note issued in advance of a complete insurance policy." That statement, he agreed, constituted a new and tremendous departure in British foreign policy —an addition to those carefully-limited and.defined commitments which were publicly formulated for Britain by Anthony Eden, the former Foreign Minister, in his famous Leamington speech. Friday's statement should have been clear beyond misunderstanding, Mr. Chambcrlan proceeded. It was not concerned with minor little frontier incidents; it was concerned with the big things that lay behind—with the independence of Poland, which, if it were threatened, the Polish people would defend. In that case his statemeat meant that Britain and France woukl immediately come to Poland's assistance. Mr. Chamberlain recalled how, in a broadcast to the nation in the anxious Lours of the evening of September -7, h« said: **l am myself a man of peace to the depth of my soul. Armed conflict between nations is a nightmare to me, but, if I were convinced that any nation had made up its mind to dominate the world by fear of its force, I should feel that it must be resisted. Under such domination life, for people who believed in liberty, would net be worth living." But at that time he did not feel that the claims on Czechoslovakia necessarily involved the assumption of Germany 's intention to dominate the world, and he felt that he coaid not ask he country to accept new commitments for anything less. Again, at the time of President Roosevelt's New Year message, he had •aid that a challenge of the kind mentioned by Mr. Roosevelt—a demand to dominate one by one other nations—must, if it were made, be resisted. Mr. Chamberlain then explained to the House how the breach of assurances given to him personally by Herr Hitler had completely* destroyed confidence and compelled a revision of the British attitude. Recent events, he said, had profoundly shocked and alarmed the whole world and had united Britain from end to end in a conviction that it was necessary now to make the British position clear and unmistakcable, whatever might be the result. "No-ode can regret more than I do the necessity to have to speak such words," Mr. Chamberlain said. "I am no more a man of war to-day than 1 was in September. I have no intention and no desire to treat the great German people otherwise than I wonl<Lhave our own people treated. I was looking forward with strong hopes to the result of those trade discussions which had already begun in Germany and wkich might have benefited both our countries and many other countries besides. But confidence has been shaken and is not •asiiy repaired." If Germany really were engaged in an attempt to dominate the world by force, the matter could not rest, as Mr. Greenwood had rightly said, where it stood to-day. The recent happenings had made every State adjacent to tier many unhappy, anxious and uncertain. He did not wish to specify now what other Governments the BrirtsU Government might now or in the near future desire to consult, but, in reference to the Soviet Government, he desired to make it clear that Britain would welcome the co-opcration of any country, whatever its internal system of government, in resisting aggression. In another passage the Premier repudiated the suggestion that they wished to encircle Germany. In no official German statement, so far as-he knew, had the ambition to dominate the world by force ever been formulated, though there had been plenty of unofficial talk and writing in that sense. J t wa s sMli possible that this was all a misunderstanding. If the German Government had never had a thought of hegemony.

felt compelled to take in self-defence constituted encirclement. The Premier concluded, amid loud and repeated cheers: "I believe that this nation is now united not only in approval of what wo have said, but in approval of the aim and purpose which lio behind it. I believe that the wh’ole Umpire shares in that approval. "Members of the British Commonwealth beyond the seas have hitherto watched our efforts for peace with the fervent hope that they might be successful. All of them have had a growing consciousness that we cannot live for ever in the atmosphere of surprise and alarm from which Europe suffered in recent months. The common business of life cannot be carried on in a state of uncertainty." "So far as it has been possible for his Majesty's Government to help to restore confidence by plain words, wo have done our part; and in doing so 1 am certain we have expressed the will uf this people." Mr. Greenwood said that Mr. Chamberlain’s statement on Friday might give pause to those seeking to impose their will by means of the mailed fist. There was uo reason to believe that this hope would be unfulfilled. Ho added: "We must suspend judgment on the Government's proposals until wc arc satisfied that they are adequate to meet the international situation. A threo-Power agreement is not enough meet the situation, it is the nucleus of a wider understanding."

He asked Mr. Chamberlain whether he would make it the basis of the broadest possible brotherhood of nations against aggression, in which Russia could not be ignored. The Liberal leader, Sir Archibald Sinclair, following Mr. Chamberlain, said that the debate would not be in vain if it made it clear to the world that, with the exception of a few individuals, the House was solidly united behind the policy and required the Government to act with the utmost promptness and vigour. Sir Archibald said that tho interim guarantee to Poland was an indispensable instalment of the Government's object, which was less to ensure victory than to prevent war. This was possible only by building up an invincible resistance to aggression and making it clear that Herr llitlqr would face war on two fronts if he attacked his neighbours. Anyone bearing Mr. Chamberlain today would not doubt the sincerity of the new policy. Sir Archibald criticised Mr. Chamberlain's references last Friday to the negotiations, declaring that it was calculated to revive suspicious memories of the Runciman mission. He added that the concession of Danzig and the Polish Corridor without a guarantee would give Germany a stranglehold on Poland, with her political and economic independence, just as had happened with Czechoslovakia.

so much the better. In that case any agreements made (o safeguard the independence of countries which ap pear to be threatened would never need to come into operation. Whatever the outcome of the consultations now taking place, he could give an assurance that the decisions reached would contain no threat to Germany so b’ng as Germany would be a good neigh »*our. It was fantastic to suggest that measures which neighbouring countries

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/MT19390405.2.37

Bibliographic details

Manawatu Times, Volume 64, Issue 80, 5 April 1939, Page 5

Word Count
1,364

United Empire Supports Premier Manawatu Times, Volume 64, Issue 80, 5 April 1939, Page 5

United Empire Supports Premier Manawatu Times, Volume 64, Issue 80, 5 April 1939, Page 5

Help

Log in or create a Papers Past website account

Use your Papers Past website account to correct newspaper text.

By creating and using this account you agree to our terms of use.

Log in with RealMe®

If you’ve used a RealMe login somewhere else, you can use it here too. If you don’t already have a username and password, just click Log in and you can choose to create one.


Log in again to continue your work

Your session has expired.

Log in again with RealMe®


Alert