Irish Agreement.

Manawatu Times, Volume XLVI, Issue 2000, 16 December 1921, Page 5

Irish Agreement.

Discussed By Parliaments. Strong Opposition Shown. Decision Not Yet Readied, [By Electric Telegraph—Copyright, Press Association.]

LONDON, December 14. There was the most intense interest in the opening of the historic session Of Parliament, which the King carried out with full cereomniai. Record crowds lined the route from the Palace. Tho weather was foggy. The Queen and Princess Mary accdmpanied die King, who was escorted by the Life Guards- in full peace-time regimentals. The massed Guards' bands played the National Anthem as the King reached St. Stephen's. In the House of Lords there was a full attendance' of the Diplomatic Corps, including Ministers from Germany and Austria. The latter, as representing Republican States, did not wear any decorations. Mr Llovd George, on leaving Downing Street, received a tumultous ovation. The King, in addressing the Lords and Conmoners, said: — "I have summoned you to meet at this unusual time in order that the articles of agreement signed by my Ministers and the Irish Delegation may be at once submitted for vour approval. No other business will be brought forward in the present session. "It was w.th heartfelt joy that I learnt of the agreement reached after negotiations protracted for many months and affecting the welfare not only of Ireland, but the British and Irish races throughout .the world. "It is my earnest hope that by the articles of agreement now submitted to you the strife of centuries may be ended; that Ireland as a free /partner in the Commonwealth of Nations forming the British Empire will secure the fulfilment of her national ideals." After this brief speech tho Royal party returned to the Palace amid continuous cheers.

right to put a tariff on British goods, but it must be remembered that Ireland was more dependent on British trade than Britain was dependent on Ireland. They were arguing with Ulster, and not coercing her. All they were doing was to recommend Ulster to accept the principle of an All-Ireland Parliament. She had the option of joining, or remaining as she was. it was proposed to establish a Boundary Commiss on. No one could say whether Ulster's boundary would bo increased or diminished; The wishes of the' inhabitants would be considered. The Crown forces would be withdrawn from Ireland when a provisional government was established. It had been said that the problem might have been settled a year ago, but wise statesmanship was the knowledge of the right time to settle. He did not believe that this could have been done twelve months ago, for public opinion was not ripe. The present agreement brought credit and strength to the Empire. In future our peril would be Ireland's, and our victory her glory. (Cheers.) OTHER SPEECHES. Sir Donald Mac Lean paid a tribute to Mr, Lloyd George on emerging from his greatest ordeal with a spirit characteristic of all the great efforts he nad undertaken in national affairs. Captain Craig, speaking as Leader of the Ulster members in the House of Commons, pointed out that the treaty Avas not one between Britain and Ireland, but between Britain and Southern Ireland. Ulster had no part in it, and repudiated it so far as its own area was concerned. The Sinn Fein oath in the document was not worth the paper on which it was written. It was legislation of treason. Ulster had been subjected to every sort of coercion except the sword. The press campaign was fed and organised by the Government. It was one of the most disgraceful things in modern times. Sir H. Thomas created a storm by demanding to know who started tho rebellion in Ireland. "Who," he asked, "first imported arms? (Unionist shouts of "Order!" "Withdraw!") I have been listening to Sir Edward Carson's speech, which was most mischievous. If anyone ought to be impeached for treason it was that noble Lord." (Loud cries of "Withdraw!" "Sit down!"). The Chamber was in an uproar, and Sir H. Thomas refusing to sit down, the Speaker ruled him out of order. Lord Hugh Cecil said he could not believe that there was any probability that the present plan for an Irish Government would succeed, and he thought the methods whereby an agreement was reached deserved the censure of Parliament. Mr Butcher said he could not support the Treaty, because it was a surrender to crime.

HOUSE OF COMMONS. ■ | A SPIRITED DEBATE. (Received Thursday, 8.10 p.m.) LONDON, December 15. The House was crowded when the Commons reassembled after the King's speech, and when Mr Lloyd George entered he was received with loud cheers from all parts of the House. Sir Samuel Hoare moved the Address-in-Reply, stating that the House was ready to consider and confirm the Irish agreement, and to offer the King their humble congratulations on the work of reconciliation to which His Majesty had so largely contributed. Sir Samuel Hoare expressed the hope that with the Irish peace established, the Royal influence would be further strengthened by a Royal residence in..lreland. It was evident that De Valera and his "Diehards" did not regard the Treaty as a British surrender. Sir Samuel Hoare said we wished to be the friends and not the enemies, of Irelaud. After generations of attempts to settle the Irish question, it had been left to the King to find a better and surer way to peace than by the sword. We were making peace-, not because we were forced to do so, but because we wanted a permanent peace. Though thankful to be on the right road to peace, we realised that this controversy of eight centuries could not be ended by means of a Parliamentary resolution. The Irish Free State had a difficult task ahead to. consolidate a new and stable government after centuries of agitation and unrest. The wreckers in Dublin were 'even now busy attacking peace. Let the Commons -not miss the more difficult task of creating goodwill. Mr Barnes, in seconding the motion said they had made up their minds that Irishmen and Britons in the future would live on the Kame terms of amity as existed between the Dominions and Britain. The Rt. Hon. J. R. Clynes said ho regarded the Treaty as a lasting and beneficient settlement of a trouble which had lasted for generations.

AMENDMENT TO BE MOVED. (Received December 15, 9 a.m.) LONDON, December 16. Colonel Gretton (Coalition Unionist) will submit an amendment to the Address-in-Reply, regretting the settlement, which involves the surrender of the Crown's rights in Ireland, gives power to establish an independent army and navy, requires further sacrifices from Ulster, and does not safeguard the rights of the Southern Royalists. HOUSE OF LORDS. LORD CARSON VEHEMENT. (Received Thursday, 5.5 p.m.) LONDON, December 11. In the House of Lords, Lord Mor~ ley, in moving the Address-in-Reply, said he did not envy those Englishmen or Irishmen who refused to reecho the sentiments expressed by thu King regarding the reconciliation between Britain and Ireland. He did not think the Government of Ireland, during the past years, had been such aa their political consciences could approve, lie pleaded for the continuance of the same spirit which made to-day the most historic and memorable among the spacious moments of our history. Lord Dunraven, in seconding the Address, said lie would devote what little time remained to him to doing his best to make this great instrument of reconciliation fulfil all its authors could desire. He believed that in a little wTiile they would find all Irishmen helping one another. Lord Crewe said it could be fully claimed that the treaty was not separatist in any way. He hoped Irishmen and Ulstermen would make the best of things, and see whether they were not able to carry out the agreement in a manner which would not harm themselves, civilly or religiously. Lord Curzon said the chief credit for the settlement lay with the Prime Minister. When things were at their worst, Mr Lloyd George never despaired. This agreement meant peace with honour for Ireland, as she had obtained the status of a Dominion and all the attributes and prerogatives of sel f-government. A VEHEMENT SPEECH. Lord Carson denounced the proposals in regard to Ireland as treachery, and as making the obsequies of the Unionist Party, as if it was dead and buried, without consultation with its followers, by leaders and trustees who were sent into the Government to protect them. The Prime Minister was conceding to Ireland what we had frequently solemnly declared could never be granted, consistent with the safety of the Empire. "If these things are to be done," Lord Carson declared, "without consulting the country, let u» at once establish an autocracy in Downing Street, and do away with the Lords and Commons." Continuing, Lord Carson said there had never been a greater outrapro attempted upon constitutional liberty. Did the Government think the country would be taken in by this manu-

PRIME MINISTER SPEAKS. Mr Lloyd George said the articles in the agreement had been received everywhere with satisfaction and joy. They h id been acclaimed throughout the Dominions, and by the Allies. Two great races had decided to work together in partnership. He appealed to members to say nothing during the debate which would endanger their lasting friendship. The main operation of the scheme was to give Ireland 'a dominion status —a free state within the Empire, with a common citizenship, owing and swearing allegiance to the King. The Irish would rule their own hearths, finance, and legislation. In connection with foreign affairs, it was well to remember that Britain's sole control thereover was vested in the Empire as a whole. Ireland would share in the rights and responsibilities of Empire, participating with the other free state in the discussions regarding tho Empire policy. Ireland's history had to be considered in addition to her constitution and temperament. It was useless to apply dominion home rulo in a general case. We had also to consider the religious animosity, and the new fuel which recent events had added to the old flames. The greatest difficulties concerning Lister did not arise in connection with the other domnions. It the state of things' marking the last few years continued, .we would have all Ireland's " youth trained as soldiers. Therefore, in the interests of the Empire, and of Ireland, a limit had been proposed to the armaments. The whole forces of Ireland would not exceed forty thousand. Referring to the navv, he said that Ireland would never be likely to raise a formidable navy. Ireland would take her share in defending her coast, and in helping us to defend ours. The defence of these Islands, however, must be left to the British navy. On the question of tariffs, they wore reluctant that Ireland should have the

factured glorification of what the Government was pleased to call a treaty'.' The terms were-passed with a revolver at the head of the Government, because the Government knew that Sinn Fein had beaten them. It way an awful confession to make to the Empire. From the beginning to the end of the document there was nothing except England beaten to her knees by gunmen and assassins. England now says she is willyig to scuttle and leave everybody who supported her to the tender mercies of assassins. "What a fool I have been in the past," he added. "I have been a puppet, and so has Lister, to get the Conservative Party into power. The most loathsome are those who sold their friends for the purpose of conciliating their enemies. The constant preaching at Ulster is nauseating. Ulster has stuck only too well to England, and oecause she is loyal you kick her as you like. 1 promise you, Lister will keep out of the Union in spite of the bogey that she will have to pay more if she keeps out. You have tried to make Ulster's position impossible. 1 believe you tola the Sinn Fein delegates to do so. Why has Sinn Fein been given an army? If not to invade Ulster, is it to invade America or the Isle of Man?" Lord Carson, in conclusion, warned the Government not to do anything to stir Ulster against the Empire. "U>o reqfognise," he said, "that we tried to help you. Don't do anything to turn us out."

The House of Lords then adjourned. A PRELIMINARY SKIRMISH. LONDON, December 15. Dail Eireann sat in the large chamber of the University College, which was decorated in Adam style, the members sitting oo red cloth benches, with a Speaker, on a platform facing them. De Valera was o.n the front bench, on tile Speaker s left, as though already leader of the Opposition. Messrs Griffiths and Collins were on the Speaker's right. Mr Mulcahy, the lighting head of the gunmen, was apparently among Mr Griffiths supporters. A feature of the gathering was the youthfuiness of the members. An astonishing number mere boys. The proceedings made it plain that Dail Eireann had not learned order in debate, and the Speaker had no easy task. One amendment after another was moved, until the bewildered members asked what was being discussed. It was evident that the main body of Dail Eireann were anxious that the terms of the treaty should be discussed in public, as Messrs Griffiths and Collins desired. De Valera's backers favoured a private session, where it would be possible to speak with more freedom from excitement. The sitting was a Collins' duel with De Valera. He was an awkward, bui impressive, figure. His voice was metallic. He indulged in no rhetoric, but the sharp emphasis of his words went home. The duel, however, was only a skirmishing for position, in which De Valera sought to put upon the plenipotentiaries the responsibility for the Cabinet split. Mr Collins angrily countered the suggestion that the plenipotentiaries had exceeded their duty, effectively ouoting De Valera's own instructions to the plenipotentiaries.

ULSTER PARLIAMENT. LORD LIEUTENANT'S PRAYER. (Received Thursday, 8.5 p.m.) LONDON, December 15. The Ulster Parliament has prorogued. .. The Lord-Lieutenant, in a speech, earnestly prayed that the efforts of the British Government to secure peace in Ireland may meet with, success, so that when Parliament is next summoned, it will be under far different circumstances. DAIL EIREANN. SITTING IN PRIVATE. LONDON,/ December 14. The Dail Eireann met this mornins in the University Buildings at Dublin The Sinn Fein leaders were enthusiastically cheered aa they arrived. Both Mr Griffiths and Do Valera received an equal ovation, but the heartiest welcome was reserved for Mr Michael Collins. When the. roll-call was completed, Mr De Valera spoke first in Irish and then In English. He said there was nothing extraordinary in the division of feeling which had arisen. The plenipotentiaries had been given full powers to negotiate with the understanding that they should report to Cabinet, which would decide upon a policy The instructions to the delegates provided that the complete text of the Treaty should be submitted at Dublin before being signed. Mr Collins emphatically declared that the delegates had not signed the agreement as a treaty, but on the understanding that they would recommend its acceptance. Dr White moved that the session be held privately. Air De Valera supported tho motion, but Mr Collins opposed it. He quoted tho credentials which Mr De Valera gave to each delegate which clearly slated that the delegates powers included the commission of an agreement. "I have been called a traitor." said Mr Collins. "Let the Irish people decide whether I am or Mr De Valera admitted that the document was not a treaty but an agreement which was not binding on the Dail Eireann. On Mr De Valera s motion the House decided to sit privately in the afternoon, but to admit the press whon rejection or ratification of the Treaty was being considered.

MR COLLIN'S AXO.RY. (Received Thursday, S.nO p.m.) LONDON, December 15. Mr Do Valera complained that the dual text of the agreement was submitted for Cabinet's approval, though it differed considerably from the previous text. On that ground ho could not sign. Mr Collins became angry, and vehemently denied that he was a traitor. Later, Mr Collins crossed the floor and conversed with Mr De Valera. Representatives of the World's Press were the only members of the public admitted. Mr Collnis summed up his position by saving: "Ireland is free to accept or reject the Treaty. If Dail Eireann do not accept, I will be relieved of all responsibility." There is a belief existing in Dublin that the House of Commons may not 1 ratify tile Treaty after all. Apparently I Dail Eireann is anxious not to hurry the ratification until the House of I Commons has voted. It is announced that there will be

another private session to-day, and a public one on Friday. PEELING IN DUBLIN. RATIFICATION ASSURED. DUBLIN, December 14. Though air de Valera's opposition is not treated lightly, the general feeling in Dublin is that ratification is assured. It is known that only about twenty members of the Dail Eireann aro definitely siding with Mr de Valera, and about forty definitely for the Treaty. It cannot be prophesied how the remainder will vote. Shrewd judges expect a two to one majority for the Treaty. Nevertheless there is always the chance of the unexpected happening in Ireland. It is just possible that the decision may be shelved by resolving to take a referendum. It still appears that Mr de Valera. if defeated, will press for an appeal to the people. In that case, while it seems impossible to doubt that a referendum or a General Election would show a majority for the treaty,' much combustible material remains. The danger lies in a section of de Valera-ites fancing that they only only need to overthrow the treaty to get a republic without warfare. Pious feelings are deeply stirred, and many people are in the churches supplicating peace. Though many expected the bishops to advocate acceptance, it is now realised that they could hardly act otherwise than they did. because they did not wish, as a body, to prejudice political discussion though their private opinions are well known. POLICE SERGEANT KILLED. (Received Thursday. 7.30 p.m.) LONDON, December 14. Police-sergeant Mahero was shot dead, and Constable Gallow badly wounded, last night on Oastlegreen. Ballybunnion. Lorries laden with police have gone thither from Listowel.