BRITAIN'S ANSWER.

Manawatu Times, Volume XL, Issue 13581, 21 December 1916, Page 5

BRITAIN'S ANSWER.

To Peace Feelers. Negotiations Refused. Unless Terms Offered. Lloyd George's Conditions. FULLEST REPARATION DEMANDED.

(Aust. and N.Z. Cable Association.) (Received Wednesday, 5.5 p.m.y LONDON, Dec. 19. In the House of Commons, Mr Lloyd George said: —"I appear before the House with the most terrible responsibilities that could fall on the shoulders of any living man —as chief adviser to the Crown in the most gigantic war the country has ever engaged in, a war upon the events of which the country's destiny depends. It is the greatest war ever waged, and the burdens-are the heaviest ever cast on this or any other country, while the issues are the gravest ever attached to any conflict wherein humanity has been involved. The responsibilities of the new Government have been, suddenly accentuated by tne declaration of the German Chancellor. The statement made by him in the Reichstag has ben followed by a Note presented to us by the United States without comment. I "The answer will be given by the Government in full accord with our brave Allies. 'Naturally there has been an interchange of views, not upon the Note, because it only recently arrived, but upon the speech which propelled it, inasmuch as the Note itself is practically only a reproduction or certainly, a" paraphrase of that speech. The subject matter of the Note itself has been discussed formally, and I am very glad to be able to state that we have each arrived at the identical conclusions. lam also very glad that tho first.answer was given by France and Russia.' for they have unquestionably the right to give the first answer to such an invitation. The enemy is still on their soil and their sacrifices have been greater than ours. That answer has already been published, and on behalf of the Government I will give a clear and definite support to it.

THE STATESMAN'S DILEMMA. '' Any man or set of men who would wantonly or without sufficient cause prolong the terrible conflict would have on his soul a crime that oceans could not cleanse. On the other hand it is equally true that any man or set of men who from a sense of the weariness of despair abandoned the struggle without achieving the highest purpose for which we entered it, would be guilty of the costliest poltroonery ever perpetrated by any statesman. I will quote tho words of Abraham Lincoln under similar conditions: — 'We have accepted this war for an object, and a world object; and the war will end when that object bus been attained. Under God, I hope that it will never end until that time. '

HISTORICAL COMPARISONS. '■' Are we likely to achieve ' that object by accepting the German Chancellor's invitation? What are the proposals? There are none. To enter the conference on the invitation of Germany, proclaiming herself victorious, without any knowledge of the proposals she proposes to make, would he to put our heads in a noose with the rope-ends in Germany's hands. This country is not altogether without experience of these matters. This is not the first time wo have fought a great military despotism overshadowing Europe and it will not be the first time we have helped to overthrow a military despotism. We can recall one of the greatest of these despots. When he had a purpose to serve for working his nefarious -' schemes, his favourite device was to appear in the guise of an angel of peace. He usually appeared under those conditions when he wished time to assimilate his conquests or to reorganise his forces for fresh conquests, or secondly when his subjects showed sy-nDtoms of fatigue and war weariness. His appeal was always made in the name of humanity He demanded an end to the bloodshed at whieh ho professed himself horrified, but for which he himself was mainly responsible. Our ancestors werotaken iu once, and bitterly they and Europe rued it. The despot's time was devoted to re-organising his forces for a deadlier attack than ever upon tbo liberties of Europe. Examples ot .that kind cause us to regard this Note with a considerable measure of rcminiaccnt disquietude. THE ONLY TERMS. * ■ "We feel that we ought to know before we can give favourable cob-

sideration to such an invitation that Germany is prepared to accede to the only terms on which it is possible that peace can be obtained and maintained in Europe. These terms have been repeatedly stated by all, the leading statesmen of the Allies. Mr Asquith has stated them' repeatedly. It is important tLat there should be no mistake in a matter of life and death to millions. Therefore I will repeat th< a "again, namely: Germany must mjuie complete restitution, full reparation, and give effectual guarantees • for the future. Did the German Chancellor use a single phrase indicating that he was prepared to accept such a peace? The very substance and style of his speech constitute a denial of peace on the only terms on which it is possible. H© is not even conscious now that Germany i has committed any offence against the right of a free nation. Listen to this from the Note: 'Not for an instant have the Central Powers swerved from the conviction , that the respect of the rights of other : nations is not irj any degree com- I patible with their own rights and legitimate interest.' When did they discover respect for the rights of other nations? In Belgium and Servia? That was self-defence, I suppose, menaced by the overwhelming armies of Belgium! |

NOT THE MOMENT FOR PEACE "I suppose the Germans had been intimidated into invading Belgium, burning cities and villages, massacring thousands of inhabitants and carrying .the survivors into bondage. They were carrying them into slavery at the moment the Note was being written about the unswerving convictions as respects the rights of other nations. Are these outrages to be the legitimate interest of Germany? We must know that this is not the moment for peace if excuses of this kind for palpable crimes can be put forward two and a-half years after their exposure by grim facts. As to guarantees, is there I ask in all solemnity any guarantee that a similar subterfuge will not be used in the future to overthrow any treaty of peace you might enter into with the Prussian militarists? This Note and speech prove that not yet have they learned the very alphabet of respect for the rights of others. Without reparatiotn peace is impossible. Are: all these outrages against humanity on land and sea to be liquidated by a few pious phrases about humanity? Is there to be nc reckoning for them? Are we to grasp the hand that perpetrated these atrocities, in friendship without any reparation being tendered or given?

PATCHWORK NOT WANTED. "It has cost us much. Wc must exact it now, so as not to leave such a grim inheritance to our children. Much as we all long for peace, deeply as 1 we are horrified by war, this Note and the speech which heralded it do not afford much encouragement and hope for an honourable and lasting peace. What hope is given in that speech that the whole and root cause of this great bitterness, the arrogant spirit of the Prussian military caste, will not be as dominant as ever if we patch up a peace now?" (cheers). After pointing out that the speech in which the peace proposals were suggested resounded with, the boast of Prussian military triumph, Mr Lloyd George declared: "We must keep a steadfast eye upon the purpose for which we entered the -war, otherwise the great sacrifices we axe making will have been in vain.

'' The German Note states that it was for the defence of their existence ' and freedom of national development that the Central Powers were constrained to take up arms. Such phrases defeat even those who pen them. They are intended to delude the German nation supporting the designs of the Prussian military caste. "Who has ever wished to put an end to Germany's national existence or the freedom of their national development? We will welcome their development as long as it is ou the paths of peace. The Allies entered the war to defend Europe against the aggression of Prussian. military domination, and having begun must insist that the only end is the most complete and effective guarantees against the possibility of that caste over again disturbing the peace of Europe. Prussia since she got into the hands of that caste has been a bad neighbour; arrogant, threatening, and bullying; shifting boundaries at her will and taking one fair field after another from her weaker neighbours with her belt ostentatiously full of weapons of offence and ready at a moment 's notice'to use them. She has always been an unpleasant and disturbing neighbour in Europe. It is difficult for those living thousands of miles away to understand what she has meant to those living near her. Even here, with the protection of the broad seas' between us, we know what a disturbing factor the Prussians were with their constant naval menace, but even we can hardly realise what she has meant to Prance and Russia. Now that the war has been forced by. the

Prussian military leaders upon France, Russia, Italy, and ourselves, it would be a cruel folly not to see to it that this swashbuckling through the streets of Europe to the disturbance of all harmless and peaceful citizens! shall be dealt with now as an offence against the law of nations. GREECE SUBDUED.

"Britain never appeared at her best except when confronted with real danger. Let us for a moment look at the worst. The Rumanian blunder was unfortunate, but at the worst it prolongs

the war. It does not alter the fundamental facts of the war. I cannot help hoping that it may even have j scalutary effects in calling the attenj tion of the Allies to the obvious dej t'ects of their organisation, not merely j the organisation of each but the organisation of the whole. If It does that and braces them for a fresh effort it may prove, bad as it is, a blessing. It has been a real set-back, and it is the one cloud, the darkest cloud, that has appeared on the clearing horizon. We are d»ing our best .to make impossible that this disaster j should lead to worse. That is why we have taken, in the last few days, very strong action in Greece. We mean tor take no risks there. It has been decided to take definite and decisive action, and I think it has succeeded. We have decided to xecognise the agents of the great Greek statesman, Venizelos. (Cheers;) "I.should like to say a word about the lessons of the fighting on the wes-

tern front, about the significance of the whole of that great struggle. It is full of encouragement and hope, An absolutely new army has appeared—- ! the old had done its duty and spent itself in the achievement of that great task ..This new army but a year ago i : was ore in the earth of Britain, yea and of Ireland. It has become iron. {(Cheers.) It'has passed through'the fiery furnace. The enemy knows it is now fine steel. This new army, new men, new officers, and generals, new to this kind of. work, has faced the greatest army in the world, the best equipped and best trained, and has beaten it. (Loud cheers.) In battle after battle, day after day/week after week, in the strongest entrenchments over devised by human skill, they have driven them out by valour incredible. That is something which has given us hone, and Jills vou all with pride in

the nation to which they belong. It is a fact full of •significance for us and for, the foe. (Cheers.) The enemy has seen that army grow under his very eyes. They are becoming veterans. Therefore we are basing our war confidence on these facts. I am as convinced as ever of ultimate victory if the nation proves as steady and valorous, as ready for sacrifice, to learn and endure, as that great army on the Somme*" (Loud cheers.) THE NEW GOVERNMENT.

The Premier proceeded to refer to the new Government, remarking that he was anxious to avoid all issues that excited irritation, controversy, and dis-

j union. It must not be assumed that he aceepted as/a complete account that which had been given of the way the j Government had been formed. He i was convinced that the controversies of the past would not help. Regarding the future, therefore, so far as he was concerned, he placed them on one side. The previous administrations had been peace structures organised for different purposes and different conditions. The craft suitable for a river or a canal was not exactly the kind of vessel for the high seas. ! was not here referring to the lasf | Cabinet, but to the old system of Cabinet where the heads of every department represented the inside Cabijuet. He was convinced that the new form of government was best for war, where quick decisions Avere necessary above everything., He declared that the Allies had suffered disaster after disaster through tardiness of decision and action. . You could not run a war with 'a Sanhedrim. That was the meaning of the Cabinet of five, and one of its members was doing sentry duty outside. It had been suggested that there was a danger of lack of co-ordination, but he pointed out that it was the old practice to have the heads of departments outside the Cabinet. Now whenever anything concerned a particular department the head of that department could attend the executive committee to discuss the problems requiring solution. He thought that this was a very effective practice, much better especially in time of war, than keeping the men away from their departments discussing things whieh 3id not directly concern them. He emphasised that there would be no. distinction between the old War Committee and the War Cabinet. MINISTRY OF LABOUR. Mr Lloyd George stated that the Government was investigating the French system whereby Ministers had o appear before a Parliamentary committee, where questions could be asked them and they could give an account Which they would not care to give the public. It was possible that they might refer the matter to Parliament for settlement. Coming to the work of the Government, Mr Lloyd George referred to the Ministry of Labour,

and said he hoped that this Department would not confine itself merely to the settlement of disputes. He

hoped that it wouM become in a real sense a Ministry with the well-being of labour in its charge. He also hoped that the Department would take a leading part in assisting in the mobilisation of labour for the purposes of the war. SHIPPING TO BE NATIONALISED-

In regard to shipping he emphasised that it was never so vital in the life of the nation as at present. The Government felt that the t?me nau come to take complete control of all ships in Britain and place them practically in the same position as the railways, so that during the war shipping would me nationalised in the real sense of the term. Prodigious profits had been made out of freights which contributed largely to the high cost of commodities and made it difficult for the Government to induce organised labour to give up its privileges. Undue and extravagant profits in shipping were intolerable in war time. Sir Joseph McLay was conferring with the Admiralty and the Shipping Control Committee, and Mr Lloyd George hoped that they would soon bo able to inform the House that plans had been recommended not only for a more effective utilisation of the ships already on the register, but also for the speedy construction of more ships to replace wastage. SEBIOTTS POOD SHOBTAGE. Regarding coal mines, the Government felt that it ought to assume a

more dii*cct control of the whole industry. The food problem was undoubtedly serious, and it would be grave unless not only the Government but the nation were prepared to grapple with it courageously without loss of time. He pointed out that the available harvest of the world had failed. The surplus available for export from Canada and the United States had diminished to a disastrous extent. The Argentine harvest promised badly, and Russia's was unavailable. The Australian harvi st meant an almost prohibitive transport, and our awn harvest was poor. He did not believe that more than threeeighths of the usual sowing had taken place. ' Eegarding production every available square yard must be made to produce food. All who had the opportunity must regard it as their duty to the State to assist in producing and contributing to the common stock. If this were done we should have food without any privation, without any want, everybody having plenty of the best and healthiest food. This meant sacrifices but what were sacrifices? Talk to a man who had returned from the Somme, the men who had been through the haunting wretchedness of a winter campaign, and you ould know something about what those gallant men are enduring for their country.