BROKEN PLEDGES

Manawatu Standard, Volume LIX, Issue 97, 24 March 1939, Page 4

BROKEN PLEDGES

HITLER’S PROMISE AND BETRAYAL. BACK TO JUNGLE LAW. The future of the world depends largely on Herr Hitler’s pledged word. What faith can be placed in that word? (writes Professor S. H. Roberts, author of “The House That Hitler Built,” in the Sydney Morning Herald). Let us confine ourselves to his statement's since; he became Chancellor. for they repeatedly show that he regards a pledge as something to be broken at will, if “the dynamic of events” makes it worth while. The first Hitlerian thunderbolt was tlie armed occupation of the Rhine land. On January 30, 1934, Hitler said in addressing the Reichstag, “The German Government is wiling and determined to accept in its Innermost soul, as well as the external formulation, the Pact of Locarno.” In a Note addresed to the French Government on March 13 of that year, he wrote that “the German Government had never questioned the validity of the Treaty of Locarno.” On May 21, 193-5, he repeated that Locarno was “the most definite and most really valuable treaty of mutual assistance in Europe.” Nevertheless, on March 7, 1936, his ambassador told Dir Eden, then Foreign Secretary, that Locarno was no longer binding on Germany, and that German troops were marclidng into the neutralised zone of the Rhineland that day. That was a purely unilatorial act, and in no sense the result of negotiation.

During the previous May, Hitler had granted a formal interview to the journalist. Edward Price Bell, knowing well that it would he widely publicised in the world’s Press. In the course of this interview, which received commendation in the Nazis’ own organs, Hitler was asked whether there was any territorial question about which he would go to war. He replied, “None at all. We have solemnly renounced all such purposes. The Germany of National Socialism will never dishonour itself and betray humanity by violating a pact it voluntarily signs.” Locarno was a freely negotiated peace, and Hitler had solemnly endorsed it in his 1934 Reichstag speech and elsewhere. AUSTRIA’S TURN. Next came the turn of Austria. On January 30, 1934, Herr Hitler disclaimed hostile intentions against Austria. On May 21, 1935, lie again told the Reichstag that “Germany has neither the wish nor the intention to mix in internal Austrian affairs or to annex Austria.” Next year, on March 7, 1936, he made a furthei speech to the Reichstag which he said was for the world’s consumption. “Thus,” he cried, “after three years. I believe I can to-day regard the straggle for German equality as concluded. We have no territorial demands to make in Europe.” On July 11, 1936, in a joint announcement on the radio in Berlin and Vienna, Hitler recognised Austria’s complete sovereignty “in the sense of his statement of May 21. 1935” —that is, if a policy of “self-determination” were accepted. But when Srhuschnigg proposed a free prebliscite, Hitler called this a casus lielli.

Throughout 1936 he continued to make promises to Austria and kept them even less faithfully than he kept the Spanish Non-Intervention Agreement which he signed on August 27, 1936. In July, 1936, he agreed not to seek to influence the internal policy of the Austrians, but his every action in

the ensuing year belied this formal promise. In his Reichstag speech on January 30, 1937, he explicitly declared that “the so-called period ol surprises has now come to an end, and in his other Reichstag address three weeks before the occupation o! Austria, he implied that the agi cement of 1936 still stood, and said that all development would be within us framework. Yet. on the morning o March 12. 1938, his troops invaded and overran Austria, and it was subsequently incorporated in the Reich. FATE OF THE CZECHS. Czechoslovakia was the next pres-sure-point on the Fuehrer’s list. During his Reichstag speech on March i, 1936, he said: “Czechoslovakia like Roland, always iollowed the policy ot lepresenting her own national inteiests. Germany does not desire to attack these States.” The sequel was his open announcement, in February, 1938, of a campaign to win back the lost Germans in Czechoslovakia. Notwithstanding this, on March 11 and 12 Hitler gave official assurances to Czechoslovakia that Germany had no designs against her T hese assurances were communicated to the British Government and made public bv it. Yet Hitler admitted later on, on May 21, he issued orders to his army to be ready to invade Czechoslovakia by October 1. In other words, all throughout the period of negotiations in the intervening five months. Hitler was putting forward plans that he had no intention of keeping. When Hitler repudiated Locarno, he stated quite clearly that the subsidiary treaties would continue in operation. One of these, which was constantly recognised bv the German Govern ment, was the Czech-German Treaty of Arbitration of October 16. 19*-->; yet in September, 1938, when tin Czechs invoked it. Hitler brusquely waived it. aside. He quoted instead Germany’s “primitive law.” 1 ’’j. , the September crisis provided Hitler with his greatest opportunity for making and breaking promises. On Sep tember 15, at Berchteegaden. he pro mised Mr Chamberlain -not to take military action that would prejudice the mediation arrangements. He renewed that promise later, yet on Sep tember 22 he stung the British Prime Minister to “hitter reproach by threats to break his pledged word. “LAST TERRITORIAL DEMAND.” During the crisis. Hitler spoke to the world from the great arena ot the Sportpalast in Berlin. There, on Monday, September 26, 1938, be gave a solemn assurance. “The Sudetenland is the last territorial demand I have to make in Europe.” He went on to promise that “when the claims of other minorities had been settled we will guarantee the integrity ol the Czech State.”

Mr Chamberlain told the Commons that Herr Hiller had “repeated to me with great earnestness that this (the Sudetenland) was his last territorial ambition in Europe, and that he had no wish to have in the Reich people of other races than German.” Hitler publicly stated, too, that he had told Air Chamt>erlain this. He even became hysterical ill reaffirming his pledges to the same effect. In guaranteeing the. inviolability of the territory "of all of Germany’s neighbours he said: “This is no mere phrase. It is our holy will.” On the fateiul Tuesday* he formally repeated the offer to Sir Horace Wilson that once the Germans had militarily occupied Sudetenland “I am even ready to give a formal guarantee for the remainder of Czechoslovakia.” THE BROKEN GUARANTEE. The Agreement of Munich was signed Thursday, September 29. Hitler attached his signature to an annexe worded thus: “When the question of the Polish and Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakia has been settled Germany and Italy for their part will give a guarantee to Czechoslovakia.” There was a very significant difference in the wording of Britain’s part ill this matter. Hitler’s promise was unequivocal, England’s merely a statement that she “would be prepared” to join afterwards. England's participation was dependent on subsequent negotiation whereas Germany's was automatic. Hitler’s pledge to guarantee Czechoslovakia dated from the moment Prague ceded its lyorderiands to Hungary and Poland—that is, from November 2, when Hitler’s own Foreign Minister finally decided the boundaries with the Magyars.

All of these promises by Hitler are specific ; yet in the early morning of

Wednesday, .March 15, German troops were already miles across the Czech frontier, long before the Czech Premier met Herr Hitler to decide the fate of his country. . , ~ , Hitler’s widest pledge is that which concerns us most in tlio future. Speaking in August, 1933 lie took this vow: “As long as I am Chancellor there will he no war save m the event of an invasion of our territory from without.” Again, on March /, U 36, ho repeated: ‘Germany wi never break the peace of Europe.’ This, is the oil 1 v major pledge foreign affairs that lie has not brouen when the moment was ripe, and lie showed that lie was ready to break it at G odes berg if his demands were not "Glut is it, too, to go the way of all the others? As Hitler, crudely told Mr CTiamehrlain at Godesberg, there exists “no international Tower or agreement which would have tlie right to take precedence over German t ” In short, international law is back to the code of the jungle.

Since the above was written the Reich has taken over, in addition, the Slovak State and Memel, while Rumania and Lithuania lie under the shadow of annexation.