INDIA

Manawatu Standard, Volume LV, Issue 43, 18 January 1935, Page 11

INDIA

... PROSPECTS OF THE REFORM. ... Pqlitical India, wrangling oyer the merits and demerits of the Joint Select Committee’s report on constitutional reform, faces an uncertain future (writes Claude Scott to the Sydney Morning Heraid from Calcutta). The coming reforms will work—and work successfully—if given the chance. Both the Government of India and the Governments of the groat provinces are sure of that. But Congress, the one well-organised popular party, is apparently determined to do its utmost. to deny them the opportunity. Congressmen went to the country in the recent elections for the Legislative Assembly with a policy of “reject the White Paper.” Their success was considerable—not, perhaps, as great as had* been expected, but conclusive when it is remembered that they were returning to constitutional methods after a long period of barren non-co-operation. Of the 126 elected seats they captured 44, and their party’s offspring, the Congress Nationalists, won nine others. These 53 members, although in a minority against the remainder of the elected representatives, the ocial and the nominated blocs, will constitute a formidable opposition—an element lacking in the last Assembly. And, if Congress threats aro carried into effect, the will be able seriously to impede the smooth working of the legislature. Hailing the result of the poll as the country’s “clear and unambiguous” endorsement of its policy, the two highest authorities of Congress—the working committee and the Parliamentary Board —mot Ut Patna formally to reject the select committee’s report and to reiterate the demand for a constitution framed by a constituent assembly. The new British proposals were condemned as being even woise than those contained in the White Paper, of which they were born; members of the Legislative Assembly were invited to reject a scheme “designed to facilitate and perpetuate the domination and exploitation of this country by an alien people under a costl.y mask;” and the nation was asked to support Congress in every step it might decide upon to secure swaraj. Emphatic as was this rejection, no mention was made of a possible bo\ cott of the reforms. Resistance Iron outside the legislatures Has lecc proved ineffective, and the general opinion at Patna seemed to 1«? 'lilt, to combat the Constitution “senate t<_ be thrust upon India in tne name oi reform,” Congressmen should fight all elections and capture as many Ministerial posts—central and provincial —ns possible. The Governors’ pow ers of veto cannot l>e in use continu ously, deadlocks are bound to occur, and, it is hoped, obstruction from within the legis'atures will wreck the reforms scheme and hasten the gran* of full self-government.

BRIGHTER FACTORS. If. then. Congress had its way, the ■seleet committee’s proposals would be doomed to failure. But there are other, brighter, factors. Congress is predominantly a Hindu organisation, and there are abundant indications that, in opposition to its extremism, tile great Moslem community is eager to accept any advance, however far it may fall short of Moslem demands. “Work the reforms and agitate for more,” was the advice of a Moslem leader months ago. That is the policy of the community to-day. Again, provincial dyarchy, introduction of the 1919 reforms, has worked in face of Congress opposition and abstention. In Madras, for example, the Justice Party, seizing the offer of partial reponsibility, has played a very powerful part in the government. The Raja of Bobbili (Chief Minister of Madras) made no idlo boast when he claimed that the present proposed grant of provincial autonomy was due in no small degree to the successful working of the 1919 scheme in that presidency. Good men, fitted for leadership, have come to the fore in Madras; equally good men have cooperated in the government of the other provinces. They will co-operate again in this new measure of political progress. Even Congress tactics have gone awry. The framers of the Patna resolution, it is stated, were anxious that its tenor should he such as to secure the maximum concerted action in the Legislative Assembly. Tho effect was the reverse. The unequivocal rejection of the reforms, state Liberal and Independent politicians, has eliminated all possibility of united action. Under protest and without itself accepting the scheme, Congress could have joned hands with the other parties in pressing for modification of the select committee’s proposals. It had the chance to give a lead to the nation, they say, but by its unwise decision the chance was lost. Even the Congress plan for a. constituent assembly is generally dismissed as impracticable. The Government’s attitude towards this proposal remains unchanged. It will'not assist in convening a constituent assembly, blit it would not oppose the holding of an informal all-parties conference to formulate a draft constitution. 'The prospect of such a conference, however, is very remote. Congress, of course, still maintains that it will secure a large majority for the “rejection” motion to be presented to tho Legislative Assembly session beginning this month. If the motion merely condemns the select committee’s report as retrograde and unacceptable to Indian opinion, it may, for it is improbable that the Government will challenge or take part in a division. If, however, Congress threatens not to co-operate in working the reforms, the Government will take a different fine, and, it is believed, Congress will have difficulty in securing the support even of a majority of the elected members. Criticism oT the reforms, meanwhile, continues unabated. No community or section finds in the scheem all that it desires. But, as with the White Paper, no workable alternative that could he acceptable to British public opinion has been suggested. In India, too, first criticisms are notoriously the most ill-considered and violent. Less than a month after the issue of the joint select committee’s report there is a moderation in the tone of comment that augurs well for the success of the scheme. And, most important of all, a meeting of Ministers of the native States, upon whose entry the creation of an Indian federation depends, has passed a resolution that ‘‘the report constitutes in many ways an advance on the White Paper proposals from the States’ point of view, and in general the recommendations should prove acceptceptable to the States, subject to certain important reservations.”