BRITISH FASCISM

Manawatu Standard, Volume LIII, Issue 312, 30 November 1933, Page 12

BRITISH FASCISM

WHY IT MUST FAIL. POLICY THAUSUITS NOBODY. Though verbally abused and often assailed in tangible form by angry stone-throwers, the followers of Sir Oswald Mosley increase in numbers as the months go by (writes the London correspondent of the Sydney Morning Herald). British Fascism is no longer a negligible force. Thanks to the street skirmishes whioh bring it so much advertisement, to a ready supply of money, to recruitment from the ranks of the unemployed, and to the favour of adventurous young men and women, the organisation roes'from strength to strength. Just how strong it is numerically none can say. The estimate of membership is as low as 10,000 and as high as 200,000. There are grounds for believing the correct figure to be about 50,000, without taking account of sisters, cousins, and aunts. “British Fascism” claims Sir Oswald, “has done better in its first twelve months than either Italian or German Fascism did.” Which is probably true, since nobidy has said anything to dispute the claim. _ Whether there is a place for lascism in England is another question. It is one thing for enthusiastic young peqplo to parade the streets in black shirts and provoke assaults of the populace, but quite a different proposition for these same young persons to induce the country to take them seriously in _a political sense. Indeed, so far as it has gone, British Fascism, despite its demonstrations, the persuasion of its leader (who lias all the demagogic arts), its opulence, and its trapping of pageantry, has definitely failed to establish a political status. In its present stage of development it is merely regarded with wonder by the ordinary citizen, as a nuisance by the police, and as a useful bogy (and, if possible, a target for empty bottles and stones) by the Communist element. But what Fascism will be, say, in two years from now, should the trend of world policy continue to submerege democracy, remains to be seen.

Sir Oswald Mosley is a picturesque figure, sincere and zealous and he can command an impressive show of support from his own private army. But his policy will have to flourish a good deal in scope and purpose before the people of Britain can be expected to sit up and take notice. Compared with the deafening blasts from tlie trumpets of Hitler and Mussolini it is but the feeble piping of an immature Pan. There is some international Socialism in it, but too much Socialism to please patriots and too much nationalism to please Socialists. There is a little antiSemitism ostensibly directed against the banks and “financiers.” There is quite a lot of anti-Communism, but so many other leaders are also anti-Communist that Sir . Oswald does not quite succeed in making the flesh creep. In effect, his doctrine is the simple and straightforward one that Britain should fall back on her home market and raise the purchasing power of the people to the point at which it would absorb all the labour of the unemployed. This he proposes to achieve, not by magic, but by putting industries under corporations which would progressively raise wages. “We want to build a Britain,” he declares “as nearly self-contained as possible.” And Very sensible, too 1 But the home market, after all, would not be enough for Britain. No, the people from whom Fascist Britain is to buy her raw materials are to be “forced” to purchase her surplus manufactures. The whole scheme merely boils down to a system of Protectionism of the wilder kind, ideas as to which are no monopoly of Sir Oswald Mosley. In the last analysis, British Fascism is up against the English sense of humour, the English horror of “scenes” and theatricality, and the absence of those class antagonisms, .panic fears, and feelings of national injustice, on which Mussolini and the Nazis have been able to build so soundly. If Britain ever adopts Fascism it will not be with coaxing, but by sheer force of a combination of circumstances which' are unimaginable at present.