Manawatu Evening Standard. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1925. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.

Manawatu Standard, Volume XLV, Issue 1210, 7 January 1925, Page 4

Manawatu Evening Standard. WEDNESDAY, JANUARY 7, 1925. INTERNATIONAL AFFAIRS.

In spite of the recent set-back occasioned by the decision of the Allies to delay the proposed evacuation of the Cologne area and the critical position in which the resentment of Germany has put her already embarrassed Government, the year 1924 must be admitted to have closed very much more cheerfully than it began. It opened in gloom, of which the main cause was that, having been in occupation of the Ruhr at an immense cost to Germany and with no profit to herself France, as represented by M. Poincare, seemed to be determined to remain there till she had exacted the uttermost farthing, though the British opinion was that not only Germany but Europe would be wrecked before that end could be attained. One has only to recall what a nightmare M. Poincare had become to British diplomacy, and what a byword the Entente had become in order to appreciate the extent of the advance that has been made, though in France the position is less secure than in England. In the former country the personal element may be just as necessary to carry out as it was to conclude the London Agreement, and even if a long holiday is the worst that M. Herriot's illness directly involves, his colleagues may prove tumble to carry on the Government without him. There is, however, no evidence that any swing to the Right that may be the outcome of a dissolution would make the international position as bad as it was a year ago, but obviously the longer the status quo, or something like the status quo, is maintained, the more serious is the risk. Of the three principal Allies Italy is the one for which the New Year has opened in the most disturbing fashion. In 1923, just before the Fascist Government had completed its first year of office, she set the League of Nations one of the very toughest problems it has ever had to face, and nearly involved Europe in a war, of which the scope and the outcome would have defied prophesy, by her sudden bombardment of Corfu. That trouble having been fortunately composed in a very prompt and satisfactory manner, Italy has since given the diplomatists no cause for alarm, and in the troubles of the Ruhr and the Rhineland her vote appears to have been consistently cast in favour of the British policy of moderation and against the Prussianism of M. Poincare. Thel French occupation of the Ruhr had, indeed, been used as a sort of "tu quoque" to justify Italy's much milder adventure in Corfu, but when that episode was out of the way Signor Mussolini Was against the dragooning of Germany and saw more hope for everybody in less violent methods. But how will Italy's iiiflu* ence be exercised during the conihg year? And will she be as completely in Bignor Mussolini's pocket during that year as she has been during the previous two? A year ago the prophets were not wavering in their confidence,

but they have been very much shaken since. In June they told us that the horror and the indignation spread throughout Italy by the murder of Signer Matteotti meant that Signor Mussolini must go, or must at any rate abandon his dictatorship, and he himself admitted that Fascism—which for this purpose and most others is but an alias for himself—was badly hit. But the promises of reform which the crisis wrung from him—the restoration of the power and prestige of Parliament, the regularising of the National Militia, and the prevention of the illegal acts admittedly being perpetrated in the name of Fascism—all these promises seem to have had no more substance than the vows of 6ick-bed piety which are forgotten when the sickness has passed. Instead of recovering its power and prestige Parliament was made so feeble that the Opposition refused to attend; new regulations were issued for the subjection of the press; and the campaign of violence and terrorism seems to have proceeded as before. In these circumstances we expressed some incredulity last week regarding the scheme of electoral reform which Signor Mussolini was said to have in hand. In place of the system of voting, not for candidates but for parties;' which made the last general election a "walk-over" for the Fascists, he proposes to revert to the single-member district system on the British model, which was previously in force. The London Times's correspondent says that the change would cost the Fascists many seats, and declines to speculate as to "what, if any, hidden motive is behind Mussolini's action." Subsequent messages from Rome have not made the riddle any easier. In the first place, Mussolini has informed some of his followers "that his recent electoral reform announcement was not made because he desired to compromise with his enemies. It is not my habit to make compromises with anyone," ' lie says. "I proposed the electoral reform on my own initiative." That ought to teach both the Opposition and his own people who is boss, if they have any doubts about it. There really seems to be no reason why he should compromise with the Liberals even if they get a majority under the new Bill. His solution may bo to send them packing on his own initiative. "The elections," he added in the same voice, "will-be held when I think best, and if' this is considered a thunderbolt, there wili'be others." But the next thunderbolt to come along was not of his launching, nor has it scared the dictator's ene-. mies. \ It was aimed at the dictator himself by the former chief of his Press Bureau, und it seems to have hit him. Nearly all the attacks on Opposition leaders, says Signor Cesare Rossi, were inspired by, or executed with the knowledge of, Signor Mussolini .... Every morning the private secretary of Signor Mussolini committed to me the names of opponents who were to be waylaid or Hogged. False passports were given to three men to go abroad and carry out punitive missions. Signor Mussolini objected to all suggestions of moderation owing to his violent, sanguinary nature.

The Stampa and other newspapers said "that after such an indictment it was incredible that Signer Mussolini should stay in office," but they mistook their man. The general expectation was that he would reply in Parliament, but he knew a trick worth two of that. Within three or four days after the publication of-Cesare Rossi's statement Mussolini had "suppressed practically the entire Opposition press." Who can say after this that the power of the dictator is waning, or that, if the Opposition have the impudence to get a majority under his Electoral Bill, he will not be strong enough to suppress the whole team?