AIMS OF SOCIALISM.

Marlborough Express, Volume XXXIX, Issue 135, 11 June 1906, Page 4

AIMS OF SOCIALISM.

REMEDIES FOR INDUSTRIAL DISCONTENT. At last week's meeting of the Canterbury Employers' Association, Mr A. W. Beaven read a paper on " Socialism." Mr Beaven, who handled his subject in a very interesting manner, prefaced his remarks by a reference to the difficulty of denning Socialism; and said that in New Zealand the Trades and Labour Conference had laid great stress on the nationalisation of industries, so that for the future they could safely be called a Nationalisation Party. State Socialism must rely on force to carry out its directions, for there would always be a great many opposed to it, and there could be no individual existence outside the Govornment. To his mind, the fundamental principle of individualism was the inherent right of every man to consume or to save the result of his own labour, the right to trade, give it away,~ bequeath, or inherit it, but unquestionably these rights were subject to the equal rights of others. Inequalities arose more from personal conditions than from social conditions, and if the State gave facilities for each individual to have free scope, so long as he did not interfere with the liberty of others, its duty ended there. Mr Beaven went on to deal with land nationalisation, which, he said, was the chief plank in the platform of the Socialist party. To his mind, Socialists were valuing too highly the effect of land nationalisation, as the burden of rent was becoming less, rather than greater, in proportion to other forms of capital. For income tax purposes, the amount received from land in England had enormously decreased in proportion "to other sources of income. Socialists either ignored tho possibilities for evil, or hoped for too much from human nature, in respect to land nationalisation, for there was no political jobbery like that involved in land transactions. When the land had altogether to be dealt with on political lines, there would be infinite possibilities of "graft," spoils to the victors, political partisanship, etc.- As emplayers, he contended, they were for the most part concerned with the idea thac the industries of the country should be nationalised. The State had been fairly successful in its distributive agencies, such as the Post Office, Telegraphs, and Railways, but this was no conclusive proof that it could handle industrial concerns. Where it had to do relatively a small amount or constructive work in connection with its large distributive agencies, it had not been above criticism. Mr Heaven went on to discuss the probable effect of Socialism on the volume of production, and on the employment of labour. If the State regulated production, it would also have to regulate I consumption, ami this would interfere with the home-life of the people, and it was quite within the bounds of possibility that there would be intrusion into the family life in the direction of the regulation of marriage. Whether political control stopped at production, or proceeded further, it was very certain that bureaucracy was the form of Government with which we were faced, a»ul any extension of State control must increase this power in the land. Enterprise would be destroyed, because it was essentially individualistic work to discover, utilise, and organise new directions of industry. The danger of lessened production was also a matter to bo faced, for many workers would be taken from the ranks of the producers and appointed as officials, and enterprise would be checked because all the present self-interest which drove everyone to his best exertions in production would be so much lessened, with the result that a diminution in production and a drop in the level of general subsistence became probable. In other words, there would be a great deal less to divide, although

it might be divided more evenly than it was at present.

After discussing the subject somewhat exhaustively, Mr Beaven put forward alternative proposal and personally favoured profit-sharing and industrial partnerships whore it was practicable. This was more equitable thai.1 the unmodified wages system, since it took into account in the employee the same faculties and feelings which the present method encouraged only in the employers. Employers should also strive to give greater permanence and certaintyf o tenure of employment to their wage hands. Other suggestions made by the speaker comprised the more equitable division of taxation, good labour laws applied equally to all, greater attention to tho necessity igr educating the individual up in his dr.ty to the State; less materialism, more imagination, less scientific observation and experiment in the material, and more intellectual and moral vitality, more high thinking and less luxury. Legislators should be encouraged—not to make so many laws—but to discover those which were operative in Society. Socialism sought in England and the colonies to gain its end through law— that was by getting a majority of votes over to its own views, and then carrying these views int practice by the agency of Acts of Parliament. In view of this activity on the part of th< Socialist party, those who opposed the doctrine of Socialism should make up their minds how far it was right to go towards nationalisation, and then cry " Halt," and Avork at the brake. (Applause.)