MR. FOX AT WANGANUI.

Marlborough Express, Volume III, Issue 105, 29 February 1868, Page 5

MR. FOX AT WANGANUI.

On the 12th instant, Mr. Fox was entertained at a complimentary dinner at Wanganui* in recognition of his advocacy of the cause of the colonists, when he made a lengthy speech, from which we propose to make a few extracts. After referring to the political struggles since 1842, when he first came out, he alluded to the detractions which the colonists suffered at home, and his conduct in reference thereto, adding:—

“When the matter was laid honestly and faithfully before the British public, all classes admitted that we had been maligned and slandered, that we were hard working colonists who had done our duty, and that the people of one of the finest portions of the British dominions had been greatly wronged.”

After paying a well-deserved tribute to the success of the colonial forces, he continues :

“John Bull is a very sensitive individual, and never more so that when his pockets are touched ; when ho knew that a farthing or half-penny incometax was being expended to pay the expense of a war which he was told was brought on and maintained for the gratification of a lot of selfish, grasping colonists, he was ready to believe anything however bad that was said of us. A war that has been brought on and procrastinated solely by the conduct and mismanagement of Imperial officers. And yet — inconsistent fellow that he is—a year after that he is going into an Abyssinian war to maintain the prestige of the British name, and votes .£‘2,000,000 to avenge the imprisonment of a few Englishmen.” He then rapidly sketched his travels in various parts of the world during his absence, which, though very interesting, we must omit. The great feature of his speech was his enuciation of his POLITICAL PRINCIPLES IN OUTLINE. He said—“ One of my first works in New Zealand was to assist in obtaining, and which you, sir, helped in gaining, after a very long and arduous struggle, the inestimable gift of representative institutions. I adhere firmly to the general principles of the constitution of 1852. I approve of a General Government and Provincial Institutions, believing firmly that they are peculiarly adapted to this colony, provided that provision is made for separation by Provincial Governments, and for union by the General Government. The framing of the constitution of 1852, was a most wise and sagacious one, and is eminently suited to the geographical nature of the country—the separation by nature of the colony into different islands, the long seaboards and dividing mountain ranges, show that it could not be so well governed from any one point, as under the present system. That there are imperfections in that constitution I do not deny, the voice of that great legislator and statesman, William Ewart Gladstone, was raised in exception on one of the most important points of the constitution, and it would have been well had ho been listened to, we should then have avoided many of the bitter struggles which have taken place between centralists and provincialists. What he showed was, that an over-riding power was given to the central government over the provincial governments. There are thirteen subjects on which the General Government only can vote j and what Mr. Gladstone held was, that the power thus given must 10-id to conflict and confusion, unless the General Government were restricted to voting only on those thirteen subjects. If that were done, the constitution would work harmoniously and smoothly, while now all was jumble and confusion. It is the policy of the General Government to divide the provincialists, and then ride rough-shod over them. I have always been a thorough and devoted proviucialist, and I firmly believe that the salvation of the colony depends on the right working of the Constitution Act, as far as regards tho provincial institutions. Still, I do not wrap myself up in my garment and refuse to look further, or to be shown where i may be in error. There are new circumstances which are bringing about a new set of things, and creating a revolution in the country. We have a great population attracted by our gold-fields, coining trom a country widely differing from ours. This large population is still increasing, and they have political rights which must bo respected. Another province which, when 1 left, was suffering great depression from being hotly engaged in a bitter war with the natives, there I now found peace restored, the war crushed out and trodden under foot by our brave colonial troops, and the natives in so far as can be discerned, loyal and obedient subjects. Other provinces are in financial difficulties, the end of which no one can see. In one province it pains me to see the colonists, bowed under the weight of their difficulties, appear ready to abandon their political rights to anyone who will relieve them. This, I say, is not the part of great men ivho should rather suffer under present difficulties than submit to degradation. However much I may be in favor of provincialism—and I believe it not impossible to restore the federal character of the Constitutionstill I may be prepared to supplement the provincial institutions, adding where anything is defective—not to sweep them away, but to supply whatever is wanting in them to meet the growing necessities of the colony. There are men in other provinces who are fighting against provincial institutions—and who are they ? They are men who have ever opposed representative institutions in any shape, and L warn you against them, for if they gain their point, they will hand over the colony bound hand and foot to the colonial office.” HIS NATIVE POLICY. “ There is another point on which I was at variance with some—the Native question. I have been accused by the press and others of inconsistency in the part 1 took in the question of the two great native wars, the Waitara and the Waikato. When the Waitara broke out, 1 belonged to what is called the peace-at-any-price party, and yet in two years from that time 1 was urging Eir George Grey to a vigorous prosecution of the Waikato war. Ye there was no inconsistency in this, as 1 will endeavour to explain. It was my belief, as well as that of many others at the time, that the natives had been wronged in the matter of the Waitara purchase, that Gover* nor Browne had made a great mistake, and we were determined that the question should be re-opeued and justice done them. I took office under Governor Browne, but almost without hope of being able to do any good in the matter. Many offers were made to the natives to submit the matter to arbitration* which they as often refused; and when on the 4th of May they drew the sword against ns and attacked Lieutenant Tragett and his party, then we

knew that they intended to try strength with the' British power, and that they rau-t by a severe iessdrt bo taught obedience or they weuld exterminate lis. My native policy is summed up in a few words—when the natives are right, support them, and when they are in the wrong, reduce them to subjection. I hold that there is no inconsistency in this. The men who call me inconsistent are so themselves. The grand point is, the natives must be dealt with as other British subjects ; they must be made to live in subjection to British laws. Should I again be actively engaged in politics, those will be the rules which will guide my conduct.” Mr. Fox then entered into an explanation with reference to the financial question, which wc must omit at present. TEE NEW ZEALAND CONSTITUTION. “ Look upon the constitution in any way yoii like, and turn It as you will it is a democratic constitution —not republican. I am a devoted and loyal British subject, ami I believe in a monarchial government. I believe that form of government has aided materially in the present advancement and prosperity of Great Britain, and I also believe in a constitution which gives every man a voice in the affairs of the. nation. 1 have studied carefully the constitution and the state of affairs in America, and I believe she is not a falling nation, she has never stood in a prouder position than at the present time. She has just concluded the mightiest civil war that ever took place in the history of the world, and she has done what no other nation ever did before, finished a civil war without establishing a military despotism. Herein is shown the strength of a democratic constitution. Look at her in bygone times when she was a contemptible British colony with 40,000 or 50,000 inhabitants. Now she is prosperous and increasing, with a population of over thirty millions. She can hold her own in the face of all the great powers of Europe, and her flag is respected wherever it goes. There are, no’ doubt, faults in our Government and our rulers, and there always will be taults ; there will be faulty superintendents and faulty road boards; but I would tell you of one thing, the General Government are doing all they can to draw attention to faults in provincial governments; but lam confident if you have one central government you tv ill have a worse master. lam in favour of democratic institutions. The country does not belong to the sheep-farmer, or any one class; the country belongs to the people. 1 hope to live and die a good democrat, doing all I can for the advancement and. prosperity of the people.” lie concluded by saying,— “ That ho was not aware lie had any further point to state to the meeting, except repeating in a general way that lie took the Constitution Act, whether it was read one way or another, backward or forward —ho would support it as a Democratic Constitution —not Republican, with tiie abolition of monarchical institutions, for there was no more loyal subject of her Majesty in this colony, nor one who believed more in the influence which such institutions have had on the destiny of Britain. When the time had come, as it was coming, when manhood suffrage would be in force in these islands, —this colony, lie hoped, would be found following in the wake of the great Democracy of America.”