"IMPERIAL UNITY."

Mataura Ensign, 9 February 1911, Page 3

"IMPERIAL UNITY."

NEW ZEALAND'S POSITION

ADDRESS BY MR MALCOLM. Fully 100 persons gathered in the Gore Town Hall last evening to hear an address on "Imperial Federation" by Mr A. ,S. Malcolm, M.P. for Clut'lia, given under the auspices of the local branch of the Navy League. Mr G. J. Anderson, M.P., also occupied a scac on the platform. Mr J. H. Heed (president of the local Navy League) presid-.■.; an i introduced the lecturer. Mr Malcolm, who was received with applause, in commencing his address, quoted tho dying words of a young Indian officer —"Sweet it is and fitting that one should die for his country." That (he said) was the spirit which emanated from everyone who loved the British Empire, and that was the spirit that permeated these islands of the South Seas to-day. We lived for the Empire, and desired to see it organised into a grcit whole instead of scattered units. Imperial federation would enable the Empire to organise as a whole and make for its peace and prosperity. There was a time when we felt certain of the loyalty of certain ot our neighbors, but the Boer war showed how we were left in doubt on the matter.

Effect on eNw Zealand. The first essential then to organise the Empire into a whole was to promote Imperial federation. This wouid be of great advantage to New Zealand as well as to the Empire itself. We in New Zealand lived on our exports. Of £20,000,000 worth of New Zealand products exported in 1909, fully £16,000,000 worth went to Great Britain. While we remained a portion of the British Empire we were certain of a. free market in Britain for those products. Britain might possibly levy duties upon foreign products, but she would never do so on colonial products. That was one advaatage our connection with Britain assured us. New Zealand merchants never yet had to pay a war insurance on their exports. Some of the British colonies stood forth in the world in the matter of exports, and that meant a great deal to British trade. The protection of that trade raised the question of Defence.

While we were under the British flag we were safe. If we stood alone, we would bo in danger of losing not only our trade and our daily employment, but our liberties and our very existence as a State. Smaller States in Europe were allowed to exist because the neighboring large States could not allow each other to interfere. But an isolated country like New Zealand would have no friends. The idea that we could defend ourselves was a pure illusion. He did not join with some in the belief that Japan had designs upon Australia and New Zealand. He had always believed that Japan would be kept far too busy watching China to be able to attempt the subjugation of such distant countries.

Germany's Designs. He believed that Germany would attempt to make herself mistress of the seas, with all that that, meant. Look at her history. Steady preparation for w r ar with Denmark —then the war and the expected victory and consequent results; then further preparation for war with Austria, and once more victory and the desired results; then more strenuous preparation for a still greater struggle deliberately brought on, and this time victory over France —and the desired results. Now we could r dually see the preparations going on for a struggle with ourselves, and it would be the blindest folly to suppose that those preparations were aimless. Germany meant to get some return for the money she was spending on her fleet. But it might be urged that if her aim was to attack Britain the best thing New Zealand could do would be to cut her connection with Britain and so keep out of the trouble. It was colonies, however, that Germany wanted, and if the safety of No. l'was to be the chief consideration, Britain might more reasonably say: "Let us shake off our colonies, and then Germany will have no wish to attack us." Happily we could not imagine Britain acting in such a way. First, she was not afraid of Germany, and, second, even if she were she would rather fight than abandon her colonies. So one of the great reasons —perhaps the. greatest reasen —for the maintenance of the British Empire was the necessity for defence. United we stand, divided we fall. There were other reasons for maintaining the Empire. It was not the German Emperor or his heir who wanted war, but German officialism had to be watched. There were military men and certain statesmen who wanted war, and who were anxious to make names for themselves, and they would not hesitate to precipitate it; that was the reason Great Britain must be prepared for war and her children be prepared to assist her. (Applause.)

An Imperial Parliament.

There were many advantages to be gained by an Imperial Parliament. For one thing it could provide in a way thai, individual colonies could not dp j for the excluMou of aliens. One of our j chief duties wr, to maintain the purity j of the race flint must be done; but it was i.ectjiiiii' increasingly difficult for New Zoaianders, and would soon be impossible for us alone. It would no! be so, however, for a federated Empire. The very fact that Prime Minister-, had to go almost yearly to London 1..> uolibeiYr.e on matters concerning tin- we!l'm.' o) the whole Empire was in it-st»'•' siiiiioieiM evidence that there was work for :;i, imperial Parliament to do. Bui tie Prime Ministers in Imperial ; conference had no authority. They j could deliberate, but they could not j c . Tin' conference had shown the • no' e-,■. ' v ;,;»• an Imperial Parliament. thi'i ;.liere nes pedal work for it; and speei-d work nue-it be done by a special bo.'y. An Imperial federation would reii' ot all doubts or fears of the vari-. ou. l units or .olonies falling out among themselves, in lbe case of any of them separating. Imperial federation might! maH it possible to give Home Rule j to the Irish people. The British Em- 1 pire owed a great debt to the Irish, j i

j Ireland hail given the Empire gronf- [ generals, great statesmen, and in the j colonisation of the Empire they had taken an active part. To-day there was ! a sincere desire to remove any grievance. But one of the chief difficulties in the way of granting Home Rule was that Britain could not give Ireland Home Ride and cut her off from the rest of the United Kingdom; on the other hand ( she could not give her Home Rule and still allow her to interfere in the affairs of England and Scotland. But if an Imperial Federal Parliament were formed Ireland could I be granted Home Rule; so could England. Scotland and "Wales, for they .\:>uH maintain their connection with the Empire, through the Imperial Parliament, which then would be a. truly Imp-rial Parliament, and not merely the Parliament of the United Kingdom ami !rol;::iM as it is to-day. And the framing of Home Rule 'would have this 'untile'.' ;>dvantago ■. it wcuYt remove f!i? last obstacle that existed to a complete understanding between the people of the United States and Britain. Kx-President Roosevelt when lately in Britain said quite frankly that there could never be unclouded friend- j ship and complete concord between Britain and America while Horn;- Rule was denied the Irish. (Applause.) The legend over the door must no longer be :\John Bull' but ".John Bull and Sons." (Applause.) Things could not remain much longer as they wore. The overseas dominions were becoming nations and must be prepared to take their place amongst the other nations of the world.

Accomplishing Federation. He might bo asked (continued the speaker) how this method of federation was to be brought about, and ho would reply in the simplest of ways, a way in keeping with British traditions and with tho evolution of tlio British State? namely, by forming an Imperial Parliament to which representatives from all tho self-governing States of the Empire would be summoned. That was all. England, Scotland, Ireland, Wales, Canada, South Africa, Australia, ISew Zealand would all send representatives to this great Parliament. It would not rob us of any of the powers and privileges we at present possessed. New Zealand would still keep its own Parliament with its present legislative and. administrative powers. What advantage would the Imperial Parmment bo? It would secure our de fence. It would control ur foreign affairs, in which the colonies ivodi.J then have a say. It would make pace or war. It would govern our dependencies great and small, thus giving tho colonies opportunities from \ Inch they were at present excluded. It could govern inter-Imperial trade. It could arrange for better inter-Imperial communication, for the hundred and one things that our Imperial tonferI ences mainly endeavored to piovide for. (Applause.)

Mr.Malcolm concluded an interesting and vigorous address by quoting the incident of General Pinion and the Highlanders being abaci, surrounded by the French cavalry at Waterloo, when the Scots Greys dashed to tho assistance of their brother.;-in-an:is and turned a possible defeat iilo ■; victory, and claiming it as an illustration of how Britishers all over the world should stand shoulder to shoulder to-day. Tho anecdote roused his audience to eiithusism. Mr D. L. Poppelwell in a brief speech moved: "That this meeting is in hearty sympathy with the question of Imperial federation and trusts that at an early date the Constitution will be so framed as to admit of an Imperial Parliament for the Empire." Mr E. R. Bowler seconded the motion, which was carried unanimously. Mr G. J. Anderson, M.P., moved a hearty vote of thanks to Mr Malcolm for his address. Mr Malcolm briefly replied and moved a vote of thanks to Mr Reed for presiding.