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A GREAT SPEECH.

LLOYD GEORGE ON THE TREATY. ENTHUSIASTIC RECEPTION FROM COMMONS. ■ By Telegraph—Press Association— Copyright A and N.Z. Cable Association and Router (Received July 4, 7.45 p.m.) LONDON, July 3. The House of Commons was crowded when Mr Lloyd Geforge addressed the House on the Peace Treaty. The Prince of Wales was in the Peers' Gallery. The Prime Minister was enthusiastically welcomedTWO BILLS PRESENTED. Mr Lloyd George said he had to lay on the table two Bills, to enforce the momentous document to which the seal of the British Empire had been affixed. Ono was to give effect to provisions of the Treaty and the other to obtain sanction to the Anglo-French Convention. He paid a tribute to the services of Air Arthur Balfour, Mr G. N. Barnes and the overseas representatives. The torms, he said, were in many respects terrible, but so were the deeds and the consequences thereof inflicted upon the world. The consequences would have been more terrible.had Germany succeeded. The terms of the Treaty were stern but just. TERRITORIAL RESTORATION. After describing Germany's great downfall Mr Lloyd George emphasised the justness of the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine, Schleswig-Holstein and Poland, and also the justness of the financial reparation terms, concerning which he declared that if the - whole cost of the war had been thrown upon Germany it would have accorded with pvery principle of civil jurisprudence, fie then emphasised the justice of the disarmament of Germany and the deprivation of her colonies. THE GERMAN COLONIES. Concerning the latter he emphasised the fact that there was most overwhelming evidence that Germany cruelly _ ill-treated natives, and in face of this the restoration of those colonies 1 would have been a base betrayal. _ especially in view of the part the natives had taken in their own liberation, thu9 giving Germany an opportunity to make reprisals. He pointed out that Germany used her colonies in South Africa in order to stir uo sedition and rebellion against the South African Union and used her colonies elsewhere as bases for prevjng oh the c.ojmmerce of adjacent colonies- "It would have been folly," he declared, "if we had renewed Germany's opportunities for mischief." TRIAL OF EX-KAISER. The tribunal in London to try the ex-Kaiser would be an inter-Allied one. (Cheers.) Officers guilty of submarine outrages would be tried. They would get an absolutely fair trial- (Cheers.) Ho challenged anyone to point out a. single act of injustice in the Peace terms; anything which in any perfectly impartial court would not have been adjudicated in exactly the same way. Referring to criticisms that though the individual conditions might be right, the cumulative effect was crushing and that the Treaty, though it might be just, might not be wise, Mr Lloyd George emphasised the heinousness of Germany's offence, also the fact that Germany suffered less than other countries in the war. Germany's crime must be marked. The world could not take these risks again. GUILT OF GERMAN PEOPLE. The German people were not being punished for tho crime of their rulers, for tho German people had unitedly and enthusiastically approved of the war. He unhesitatingly challenged anyone to point to a single clause in the Treaty which did not accord with tho stern and high demands of justice and fair play. "Wo were determined," he said, "that the Treaty should not be a scrap of paper." THE GUARANTEES. The guarantees included the disarmament of Germany and the destruction of arsenals. British delegates, without hesitation, proposed that the reduced German army should be voluntary and long service, thus leaving the mass of the people untrained and rendering it impossible for Germany _to raise huge armies. The same applied to the navy. He proposed to introduce a Bill dealing with the Anglo-American guarantees in the event of an unprovoked attack on Franco. (Cheers.) France had legitimate reason for serious apprehension when Britain and America had frone home, and the gallant men of the dominions~-(Oeers)— who had fought so bravely in France. Australians. New Zealanders. t3out.h Africans and Canadians, all of whom had won the deepest affection of the French people—when these had departed and Franco saw only the Rhine between her and the foe who had trampled her ruthlessly and torn her flesh twice within living memory,, France said, "We would like to know' that you Britons and Americans who helped to emancipate our soil are still' behind us against Avanton aggression-" He invited Parliament to sav " yes." (Cheers.) He did not agree that that would show lack of faith in the League of Nations The latter would be valueloss unless it had the sanction behind it of strong nations prepared _ to stop aggression at a moment's notice. The document only bound us in case of wanton provocation by Germany. The other iruarnntee was the army of occupation. France did not wish to keep on the Rhino a single day longer than was absolutely n'wwwur, and if Germany showed goodwill and gave the necessary guarantee"' France was quite prepared to reconsider the question of occupation at the proper moment. Britain was. directly interested in the question of the cost of the army of oc- \ o.upation, because she did not wish to impose an unnecessary expense upon Gormany which would be the fint chargo upon the indemnity fund. The Government had an understanding; with France that the moment Germany carried out her undertaking with regard to disarmament, the cost of the army of occupation should not exceed 240.000.0D0 marks. The agreement on matter was signed by President Wilson. M. and himself and it required no ratification. THE LEAGUE OF NATIONS. Lastly, there was the guaranteo of the League of Nations, a great, hopeful experiment which was only rendered possible by the other conditions of peace. It was due to the world to try the experiment earnestly. The League unfortunately did not mean that we would never have war. It would be justified if it prevented one war. (Cheers.) He begged that nobody would sneer at the League. (Loud cheers, especially from the Labour benches). He believed that the experiment would succeed and that the League would make crime difficult and unsuccessful. Therefore he looked hopefully and confidently to the League for greater things for humanity. He expressed the opinion that the immediate admission of Germany to the League would be a mistake. ' Tho date of Germany's admittance depended upon herself. (Cheers.) If Germany created obstacles and showed that the same old spirit animated her, she would not accelerate the date, but if she really showed she had broken with tho past, that the fires of war had purified her soul and that she realised that tho policy of the last ono hundred and fifty years had been a bitter mistake, then sl» could tJ\» dat<». Tb*

sooner that came about the better it would be for Germany and the world. MANDATORY SYSTEM. Referring again to the German colonies, Mr Lloyd George said these were not distributed among the conquerors, but would be administered by the Great Powers on behalf of humanity. The mandatory powers would uitter according to the particular territory concerned. For example, South-west Africa, running as it did alongside Cape Colony, was felt to be so much a part geographically of that country that it would be quite impossible to treat it in the same way as a colony removed two or three thousand miles from the centre of mandatory administration. Doubtless South-West Africa would become an integral part of the Federation of South Africa. It would be colonised by South Africans, and they could not have done anything else, for they could not set up Customs barriers and different systems of administration. The same applied to Mew Guinea, but did not apply to Togoland and the Cameroons or German East Africa. It would bo found that the conditions of the mandates set up for these territories were the same as applied to British colonies over the whole world. The responsibilities of the British Empire under this mandate had been enormously increasod- Something like eight hundred thousand square miles had been added to the already gigantic charge on the Empire's shoulders, a charge which had been undoubtedly fulfilled in a way which had won the wonder of the whole world. THE LABOUR CHARTER. Referring to the Labour Conference, Mr Lloyd George said it was a matter of the most vital importance for the world's future industrial conditions, and when it was borne in mind, that at least three-quarters of the armies that won the great victory were drawn from the working classes of various nations it was felt they had won the right to a corner of their own. He was glad it was largely through the initiation of Mr Barnes that this charter was added to the Treaty. He hoped this machinery would enable the establishment of some permanent means of raising the level of labour over the whole world and not of handicapping countries were labour was well treated in competition in neutral markets with countries where the conditions of labour were inferior. That was the great purpose of this great Charter. THE EMPIRE'S BURDENHe proceeded to emphasise that no country had a greater share in the tremendous victory of the Allies than the British Empire. The Empire raised 7,700,000 soldiers and sailors — (loud cheers) —and raised war loans totalling £9,600,000,000. The casualties of the Empire forces totalled over three millions, not including sailors, of whom fifteen thousand were killed. Tho. Navy and mercantile marine kept the sea, and without them the war would have collapsed in six months. During the last two years of the war Britain not only bore the heaviest burden of fighting in France but the whole burden of attack on Turkey, which had crumbled to the dust. (Cheers.) It was a great record and showed what could be achieved by a great people united and inspired by a common cause- " Let us rejoice," said the Prime Minister, " like men who are under no delusion that their troubles are past. The spirit which enabled us to overcome the forces against us will also enable us cheerfully te face the futureLet us not waste our strength prematurely in fighting each other." He most solemnly declared that in order to prevent the country sinking under its burdens and its wounds "we must most effectively use the resources of. Britain and the Empire and make all reasonable men contented." He urged the people. to support the Victory Loan. In order to reap the fruits of victory each must give such strength, goodwill and co-operation as he could. THE SPIRIT OF THE FUTURE He ridiculed the idea that now peace had come all would go right without effort. He pointed out that output had diminished and cost of production increased. That was exactly the opposite road to the road leading to prosperity, as even the Bolsheviks in Russia had begun to discover. Mr Lloyd George; concluded by appealing for co-operation and the maintenance of that spirit of patriotism which alone could bring us to the realm of glorious triumph. (Loud cheers.) TRIBUTE TO COLONIALS. In the course of his tribute to the Dominions' representatives, Mr Lloyd George mentioned the names of Sir R. L. Borden, Mr Hughes and Mr Massey (Cheers), who had participated in some of the most difficult commissions, notably territorial commiss'ons for adjust-, ing the extraordinary delicate and complex othical, economic and strategic questions which had arisen. Mr Lloyd George said tho Empire owed a great deal to the ability and judgment with which they discharged their functions He also, paid a tribute to the great body of experts who helped on innumerable commissions and whoso work had been the admiration of foreign delegations. TRIBUTE TO CECIL AND SMUTS. (Received July 4, 9.15 p.m.) LONDON, July 3. In a statement issued from Downing Street Lloyd George said he greatly regretted having inadvertently omitted to refer to Lord Robert Cedl and General Smuts's splendid services in framing the League of Nations Covenant. Lo'-d Robert Cecil also rendered admirable services on the Economic Commission. OPINION IN THE LOBBIES. (Received July 4, 9.15 p.m.) , LONDON, July 3. The lobbies considered that the most striking portion of Mr Lloyd George's speech was that dealine with the exKaiser. The secret had been well kept. It is presumed that the trial will take place at the Law Court and that steps are to be taken immediately to secuie the ex-Kaiser's extradition. PRIME MINISTER EULOGISED. | ~ (Received July 4, 5.5 p.m.) LONDON, July 3. During the Peace debate Mr Adamson, leader of the Labour Party, paid a tribute to Mr Lloyd George's devotion to his stupendous task. He added that the Labour Party wanted Germany in the League of Nations after she had ratified the Treaty. They wanted a real League not one between the allied nations. He expressed regret that the Treaty did not contain machinery for the abolition of conscription. , , . ■ _, Sir Edward Carson eulogised Mr Lloyd George's patience, courage and energy in conducting the war. History would recognise that he was the man above all others, who preserved the liberties of Europe. Sir Edward Carson also reciprocated Mr Lloyd George's plan for unity. Both Bills were read a first time amid cheers. .

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT19190705.2.42

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 18141, 5 July 1919, Page 7

Word Count
2,205

A GREAT SPEECH. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 18141, 5 July 1919, Page 7

A GREAT SPEECH. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 18141, 5 July 1919, Page 7

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