CONSCRIPTION.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17666, 19 December 1917, Page 7

CONSCRIPTION.

THE AUSTRALIAN CAMPAIGN. STHAT WILL THE VERDICT BE? JFrom Otjr Correspondent.] SYDNEY December 12. I Speaking at Lidcombc yesterday, Mr Watt, the Federal Minister tor "Works, said:—“We are told we should send foodstuffs instead of men. I only wish I could read to you a cablo message which was received to-day from the British Government. "We want more ships here. Great Britain, on the other hand, not only cannot send more ships here, hut she wants every coastal ship we can spare over there. I cannot indicate the exact position, but I can tell you it is just about as desperate for shipping as we can well imagine it to bo. In Australia there are millions of tons of foodstuffs which have been bought by Great Britaiu ancl paid for. We want to get tho foodstuffs away because wo have another harvest almost upon us. AVe cannot build enough ships here in five years to shift the wheat fro. i our seaboard. What is the use, then, of keeping men at home to grow more wheat only to keep it here? Things are so senous that I am not so sure that Germany will not emerge triumphant from this contest. This is the first time I have made such an admission, but recent events have changed my opinio us.” With very little change this is practically the view taken to-day by every ailvocate of conscription in Australia, and, though they do not express it, by tile opponents of compulsion. The aiiticonscription party meet the question thev are called upon to answer by saying’: (1) That Australia has sent more than enough men already, and (2) that no country should be asKed. to save its freedom by committing suicide. Iliese contributions to the controversy do not seem particularly cogent, but there they are for what they are worth, aud, judging by the uproarious apptause with which they are greeted at certain meetings, they are worth a great deal to some people. i attended a meeting in opposition to conscription the other evening in Svdnoy. ’ There were about 1200 people present, of whom about one-fourth wore girls. One-half, were young, helty-looking men. They were most enthusiastically in favour of ‘ sending wneat” and “producing foodstuffs. In tact, they seemed anxious to send anything and everything except themEe.ves, and to overlook two important n.unts—first that there are millions ot reus of wheat in Australia which cannot be shipped, and that transports ' can carry men as well as cereals. Every statement against conscription was received with thunderous applause, and when a returned soldier, crippled at tho front, tried to say something in advocacy of keeping reinforcements going he was howled down and threatened with violence. the likelihood .of a “Yes” vote in this Stato appears rather remote, but decreased “No” vote is probable, thus giving the States which were m a majority last time a chance of making their affirmative effective. Mr Hughes is carrying on the campaign with vigour—at any rate so tar as speech is concerned. As the day for voting draws nearer Mr Hughes grows more and more passionate. 1 hero is no misunderstanding Mr Hughes, nowadays at any rate. He had an immense meeting on the Melbourne Cricket Ground on Monday nightThere was an attendance of fully 100,000 persons and feeling ran at fever heat. There were bands of patriots, bands of “antis” and brass blinds. While .one side sang national airs the other yelled the war cry of the Noes. The signal for speech making followed shortly by the appearance of the Prime Minister on No. 1 platform, aroused volleys of enthusiastic cheering. No. j platform, facing the solid phalanx of the followers of “ No,” was the first to claim the attention of tho disturb- ” ers. Mr C. Hack, accompanied by the Pvev H. Howard, .of Adelaide, mounted tho rostrum, but- before the former had an opportunity to speak a fusillade of eggs was upon them. They dodged the missiles successfully. Then came a huge cracker, which burst on the platform, much to the discomfort of those in the vicinity. Several women fainted, and others on the borders of hysteria were helped through the barrier by the police. For a time pandemonium reigned, and all attempts at speaking were abandoned. Later, when the militants subsided somewhat, Mr Hack again essayed to address the gathering. Another cracker burst on the stage, and a bottle was brandished in the crowd. Uniformed and special constables, with bat.ons drawn-, rushed in among the mass of humanity. In the fracas which followed a- special constable had his baton seized by a burly “No” supporter, who hit the officer a smashing blow on the head. Tho unfortunate victim of this cowardly act emerged from the fray covered with blood. His assailant escaped. "While this demonstration was proceeding the “ antis ” moved round to No. 1 platform, where the Prime Minister had just commenced his first address. Mr Hughes had not proceeded far when pieces of road metal were hurled at him, but happily missed the target. A band of men fought to reach the platform. The Prime Minister gallantly prepared to continue his speech, hut the police, realising the danger, surrounded and escorted him to another platform where the “anti” element had not yet intruded itself. The Lord Mayor (Councillor Stapley) remained at the storm centro until some cowardly creature in tho crowd threw at him a jagged piece of glass. With very good reason the piatf.orm was temporarily abandoned. Later the speakers returned, ancl from this, as well as the oft Her three stages, the messages were delivered with but little interruption.

THE PRIME MINISTER’S CALL TO DUTY.

From another platform Mr Hughes, relieved from the organised opposition of the “anti” contingent, spoke with nil the force and earnestness that distinguish him- On the 20th, ‘he said, they had to determine whether, casting out all fear and doubt, they would Unlock the door and tread the road that would lead them to their great destiny, or whether they would cover themselves and their descendants, and the race from which they had sprung, with eternal shame—(Never). —and turn their backs upon duty, dishonour their ancestors, abandon their comrades, and prove themselves unworthy of freedom. (Never, and cheers.) That night Australia, in common with every one of the older nations that had drawn the sword for liberty, was confronted with a situation which might well appal the steadfast heart. Never in the history of the world had a free people been in greater peril than were Australians. The great war had reached its supreme crisis on every side. Circumstances which were menacing, gloomy and beyond the power of words to depict, encompassed them about. Russia, that mighty ally upon whose valour and fixity of purpose civilisation and the Allied nations had relied, had been poisoned by German propaganda, and had withdrawn from the fight, breaking her pledged word to the Allies. Rumania had been compelled to accept an armistice. Italy, who but yesterday had victory almost within her grasp, had now been beaten back, and stood desperately endeavouring to stem the tide. Portugal was now in a state of civil war, and on the western front, whero 'Kb finall issue had to be det-cirmimed,

the German legions, reinforced by those released from, the eastern front, were now gathering up in great masses, and at Cambrai had pressed the British back. While he was speaking Australia’s destiny might have been decided. The Government called upon the people to do their duty. (Loud cheers.)' America, not yet having mobilised her tremendous resources, could not now draw tho sword effectively. Upon Australians, and upon men of the British race, civilisation and liberty absolutely depended. Britain, France exhausted by the tremendous struggle, and tho whole civilised world were looking to them, and posterity would brand them if they failed to do their duty. There were some people who bade them to put Australia first. Ho was glad to be amongst those who not merely bade them to do it, but commanded them to do it. Ho bade them to strip tho veil from those hypocrites, those bar* in our midst who while they said. “ Put Australia first ” meant to sacrifice Australia and all she stood for on the lust of their implacable hate of Britain. The Government was asking for / 000 men a month. It was not much; it was not enough. With confidence no appealed to the people to clothe the Government with the power without which it would be impossible to maintain the liberties of a free people. Liberty—how had it been obtained r By men speaking with a forked tongue, bv men cackling about liberty, or by deeds? There were men in Australia to-day who were masquerading as Australians, but who were tho enemies of Australia, and were doing the bes* work of Germany here. He had in hia hand a paper called the ‘ Ameiican Independent.” which was published a few days after tho vote which was taken in Australia in October last. It displayed a large headline, Australia quits. A knock-out for John Bull ” They should let it not be said on December 20 that Australia had quitted. (Loud cheers.) He asked the electors to bo true to themselves, true to their country, true to liberty, and not to desert the men at the front. (Loud cheers.) He did not ask them to strike a blow for freedom of France and Belgium- jut tor liberty and the freedom of Australia. (Cheers.) He asked them to strike a blow for the glorious men who had now these three years and more been fighting for liberty and for Austialia and Australians. (Cheers.) They had sought liberty even at the cannon s mouth, and were weary nrd worn. He asked the people of Australia to remember what were the alternatives to the Government’s proposals.. There were some things which were incompatible with honour and with the satety ,of Australia. The men who stood on the other side were men who, whether willingly or not, would destroy Australia if the people hut heeded them. To-day there was peril of. such a nature facing Australia that if the people did- not act as men and face it all would be lost. They would lose not. merely their honour, for that counted but little with some men in Australia; not ask them to strike a hW for the themselves free citizens, for they did not know the meaning of freedom; and not liberty, for they had not earned it, and did not deserve it—not only these things were in peril, but the material prosperity which meant so muen to them. To-day Germany had given to Russia the terms upon which she would grant peace, and if .she imposed such terms upon Australia, then tor ever would go the prosperity that now was abundant. She had declared that she would grant peace to Russia only if she could have for fifteen years the right to send her goods broadcast throughout that country. That, if imposed upon Australia, would take the bread out of the mouths of those men to whom liborty was nothing, to whom Australia was nothing, but to whom prosperity was everything. There was not one of those ivho howled at the very name of sacrifice and duty, said, but did not owe his very existence as a free citizen to those wh.o naa given up their lives freely that others might live and have the privilege of deciding whether Australia should do her dutv. To these men he desired to speak plainly. He had said elsewhere, and he now said again, that the sun would move out fr.om its course and the heavens might be o’erturnea, but as long as God lived and the Government existed, they would do their duty. (Loud cheers.) If the people of this country, deceived by cunnipg men and led aside from the paths of duty, if they did not do that which was to be done, he for one would never allow' 100.000 of the bravest men that God ever saw, and who were in Frence today, to die like dogs. (Cheers.) They deserved support. (Cheers.) Australians cheered them when they left, bade them God speed, declared the cause for which they were going to fight to be just, crowned them with flowers, and applauded them with cheers. Now, in the hour .of their danger, would Australia desert them? (Loud shouts of No!) Shortly after the close of his speech a potato was thrown from the crowd at Mr Hughes, but it missed its mark. He faced towards tho direction from which the missile came, and said. “Let us answ'er that argument with a mighty cheer for Australian liberty.” The audience responded with a round of cheers, aud then sang the National Anthem.