THE AMERICAN CONVENTIONS

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXVII, Issue 17192, 12 June 1916, Page 6

THE AMERICAN CONVENTIONS

PROBLEMS FOR THE PARTIES.

(By HUGH H. LUSK.)

The National Conventions of the great political parties in tho United States, while they arc, of course, of 'very great interest and importance to the citizens of America, are not generally regarded as of first-rate importance by peoplo at a distance. This arises from the fact that people of other countries do not generally understand how important n part these conventions play in the electoral system of the United States, and as the elections of President and members of Congress have, this year a more direct bearing on the political situation and prospects of the rest of tho world than ever before, it may be well to remove any misunderstanding on this point, before proceeding to deal with the special conditions affecting the conventions of this year.

The importance of the American National Conventions arises from the fact that nominations for the chief executive, office in the country can only be made by such a convention, which is recognised by law as representing a regularly organised party in the country. Each organised political party therefore holds a national convention of its members about four months before th' (lite fixed for ili'. v election of President, to decide upon the policy to be advocated by ilie party and to nominate for the'office, of President the particular member of their own party who is considered by a majority of the members of the convention best qualified, if elected, to carry out the policy

decided on. It need hardly be said that there is often a gnat difference of opinion on both points at these conventions, but except on the last occasion, in 1912, there has never been a contest in any national convention of either of the great parties whose final decision, cither as to policy or candidate, has not been finally accepted by the party as a whole. There will be four, or perhaps even five, national conventions held iin America within the next two months, but only those of the Democrats and Republicans can be regarded as of great national importance, as tho contest must result in tho election as President of the representative of one or tho other of those parties. Next # to them will no doubt stand the Socialists, the number of whose votes has steadily increased at each of the last three PrcRjdental elections, but as it is most improbable that the party car., even now, command two million votes, its effect on the general result will be trifling. Tho interest of the campaign, therefore is concentrated upon the action of tho conventions of the two great parties which for tho last sixty yeara have controlled the executive and legislative functions of the Government. As between these two conventions, the chief interest centres upon that of tho Republican Party, owing to the fact that the number of its professed adherents is very much larger than that of the Democrats, as well as to the uncertainty that exists as to the policy which the convention will adopt as that of the party, and the candidate it will adoptT to carry the policy into effect.

The Democratic Convention has practically no choice worth mentioning on either issue. It has for some months past been admitted by all but a very small section of the extreme " Peace at any price" section of the_ party that Mr Bryan is no longer available as a candidate for President, and there is at present no other member of the party sufficiently prominent to _ unite the party, or to claim consideration as a possible alternative to Mr Wilson. The policy of the Wilson Government, while it has certainly aroused tho resentment of a very large proportion of the people of British origin, has been strongly supported by the GermanAmericans, and has not been strongly opposed even by most of the people of Scandinavian birth or descent, and these sections form so important a parr of the population that the hopes of the Democrats _ are largely dependent on retaining their support. The change of front lately made bv President Wilson on the'question of national preparedness for possible wars, either by sea or land, was no doubt a concession to the feeling of uneasiness that was showing itself 'both in the Press and in public speaking, but was sufficiently well understood by his party to be accepted, even by those who on principle to military preparations as a necessary concession to secure votes. President W r ilson has indeed lived up to tho best traditions of American politics by doing what he could to keep on friendly terms with all sections of the community; with the pro-German section by confining his_ protests to strongly worded notes; with the pacifists by holding out vague hopes that America under his administration will take a leading share in bringing about a universal and permanent peace; and to the industrial and manufacturing classes, as the author of a commercial prosperity without parallel in the tory of the country.

Tho position of the RepuMfcan Party is necessarily a much more complicated and difficult one at present. The fact that the party has ever since the Civil War represented the commercial wealth and the leading manufacturing industries of the country makes it impossible for the party to *bo unanimous in support of any policy, or of any candidate for President likely to put an end to the present prosperity. The question must be prominent in the minds of the men who have by long-established custom secured the position of managers of the conventions of the party, "What candidate for the Presidency can be named who would be /likely to secure the support of the whole party, and who at the same time would be the least likely seriously to disturb the financial arrangemnts of the millionaire class?" This, it may be taken for granted, will be found a much more difficult problem for settlement at the Chicago Convention this month than that of framing a polioy for the party, to serve as a platform for candidates for' Congress, and a theme for election orators. A policy doesn't necessarily mean very much, as there are a hundred ways of evading its practical enforcement —as nobody knows better than the average American politician. It is, after all, not the party platform 'but the man who is to represent that platform in the White House at Washington that really counts. The position of the American President is one not merely of great influence, like that of the King of England in these later times, but of great power, especially in all matters of international concern. He may fairly be said to combine the executive powers of the British Crown and Cabinet, and, indeed, to be in a position in a good many respects to go beyond anything that has been attempted for many years without the consent of Parliament. This is true at all times, but it is emphatically true when the national Congress is not in session, whicli is generally the case for more than seven months in each year. The choice that lies before the Republican Convention at Chicago, though not quite so confined as that of the Democrats, is by no means a wide one. There are, it Is true, two ex-Presidents who may be looked upon as belonging to the party—Roosevelt and Taft—'but while Taft may be looked on as hopelessly discredited by his heavy defeat four years ago, when bo stood as candidate for a second term of office, with all the advantage which his position as actual President at tho time gave him, it is difficult to see how a most important section of the members of the Convention can be induced to give their hearty support to Roosevelt, whom they have already found so entirely beyond the party management and so thoroughly prepared to form his own opinions and to cany them into practice, two other names have been mentioned as those of possible candidates—those of Mr Hughes, who some years ago wp.s prominent m political life as Governor of the State of New York, and Elilni Root, who has for manv years been well known as a prominent' Senator in Congress. Hughes has now for Borne years boon one" of the ablest and most highly respected judges of the highest court of the United States; and Root, whin generally looked upon as both a bio and trustworthy by the party has never been called upon to execute the, duties of nnv high political office-, such as might have commanded public confidence in his capacity fr? dealing with so important a situat;; ,i &a that which must be faced by the next President. It may he regarded, as more than likelv that Judge Hughes will bo "selected, as the best compromise between the sections into which the present Convention will be divided—thoso of commercial power and those of public sentiment. Had the political situation been less acute, and the interests that may depend upon tho party being in office at the close of the war been less serious, it is probable that Mr Root would have been accepted a.s a compromise candidate for President bv both sections; the situation, however, is felt to he too delicate to allow any needless risks to be taken by tho representatives of commerce on the one hand or of aroused public feeling on the other.