CLASS STRUGGLE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXIV, Issue 16138, 15 January 1913, Page 5

CLASS STRUGGLE.

TO Tnr, F.DITOE. Sir, —Is there a class struggle? If so, what is its nature and Wi.uro is Llio line of ele::vage between tho ciasues? These questions at this time are of the most vital importance, and as a cluiy all tbihiring people should face them. Many kindly disposed, sonciliatory souls deny the necessity or existence of such a conflict, but facts are too strong on the other side. Evidences multiply on all hands that the cuuilict is getting more and more bitter each day. Proofs and evidence of this are overwhelming, but 1 will give one only. During our last agricultural show, two stands might have been seen erected just outsiro tho Show Ground —placed there for the one reason that they were not allowed admittance to the grounds. One was occupied by tho agricultural labourers' representative, tho other by tho Peace Society. It is also significant that the employees' representative was forced into the same position as tho anti-militarists. Opinions may differ as to tho wisdom of my thus drawing attention to the conflict, and I may ho accused of helping to set class against class. Ido not, however, plead guilty, although I admit that our aim should be, under ordinary circumstances, to conciliate r<i*her than increase opposition; yet now and under the conditions to which I am referring, factors enter which make it needful to defmo the position. Freely I admit that class distinctions are bad, and should be discouraged and opposed, but the conditions of the present class war now compel tho weaker side to insist that the enemy should be forced out into the open, and that wo should know who are our opponents and who our friends. It is, of course, understood that I am referring now not to individuals but to classes. Many of the members of the capitalist class range themselves in tho opposite camp, and many of the workers, through ignorance or _ narrow self-interest, are false to their own cause. It is because one class is fighting unfairly thai; it is all important that the lino of. cleavage should be clearly defined. To the workers it is of the most vital importance that they should know who they are fighting and what are. their tactics. Mr Blatchford, the great journalist and writer, who was hut lately in favour of universal military training in Britain, now has written that he has changed his mind, that the classes are not to be trusted, and that lie would sooner risk invasion than have universal military training. Just now we have a very glaring instance of the way in which the workers are being deceived in connection with our_ Defence scheme. Over and over again we were told that the scheme was for the defence of our country. Now our Defence Minister says we must have an expeditionary force to send abroad, so that it is quite apparent that if the Rnnd mine-owners wanted help to keep in order their employees our sons would have to go, or if the holdora of Egyptian bonds had trouble in getting their interest our men could be sent there. In this particular evidently the British working man is alive to the situation, as Mr Frederick Harrison has lately said that if an attempt were made to force compulsory service on them there would lie a revolution. It is time then that the workers as a class understood that the present increase of militarism is an attempt under the pretence of defending the country to check their movements for better conditions by the power of armed force. The fight now is wealth against human rights, and there is not wanting evidence that wealth will use any despicablo and deceitful tactics to retain its ascendancy.—l am, etc., W. ENSOM.