HOME RULE.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXXIII, Issue 15918, 2 May 1912, Page 8

HOME RULE.

ITS RELATION TO IMPERIALISM. (By REV JAMES MILNE.) The question of Home Rule for Ireland may well be regarded as of Imperial interest and importance, concferning as it does the relationship of one of the integral parts of the Empire legislatively to the British Parliament at Westminster, which is the central or Imperial authority of that confederation of self-governing states and other dependencies constituting the Empire. It is much more than a merely political question. It is a matter on which the past development of tho Emnirc Casts an important light, and .which suggests iuturo developments as to Imperial relations. The congested state of business in the British Parliament has been described by the Prime Minister as amounting to “centralised impotence,” a condition of affairs readily appreciated when the amount of Home and Imperial matter is considered, which must necessarily, under tho present legislative constitution, be dealt with at Westminster. The granting of some measure of local autonomy to Ireland should certainly relieve tho congestion at Westminster, ;yicl ill view of this simple fact it readily occurs to the Imperialist that it well might have been granted before. Parallels and analogies readily spring to the mind, as affording precedent for such action. The great dominions and overseas possessions of the Empire enjoy a larger measure of local autonomy or management of home affairs than is now sought by Ireland; and. it seems to be to the advantage both of themselves and of the Mother Country. What the congestion at Westminster would have been liad representatives of Canada, Australia, the Cape and Now Zealand sat there to discuss their domestic legislation with British legislators, who were equally interested in their own home affairs, is unthinkable. Yet, on consideration, the case of autonomy for Ireland is seen to raise several issues that do not occur m that of tho overseas possessions mentioned. These need not be particularly discussed, as the whole situation may be adequately covered by the reflection that whereas Ireland has a history, the overseas dominions are but making theirs; further, it should not be overlooked that Ireland is a real and constituent part of tho Old Country, as apart from a dependency or possession. And, as it seems, this fact has been wisely emphasised in the degree of autonomy proposed to be conferred by the Home Rule measure, especially through its retention of xi jSu members a.t Westminster. It is this last feature of the Bill, which while laying it open technically to criticism as an efficient political measure, yet clearly stamps it as of Imperial importance and worth. . , . , , The proposal to retain Irish members in the House of Commons after the concession of Home Rule, but in reduced numbers, and that they shou.d not only vote on Irish affairs, but also on such as pertain peculiarly to England, Scotland or Wales, shows that politically the Bill might bo criticised as unfairly giving to Ireland a prerogative denied the other partners of tile United Kingdom. Yet the retention of Irish members at Westminster, with an Irish Parliament sitting for consideration and enactment of domestic legislation at Dublin, is sufficiently suggestive of tho Imperial ideal legislatively to make this Home Rule measure of interest to the whole Empire. Should the Rill become law, tho granting of a like autonomy upon Wales, Scotland and England itself in turn will bo only a. matter of time. Such a process ‘of devolution of political power from the central authority in the United Kingdom to its constituent parts lias been foreseen by statesmen for years. It is not so much a disrupting as a federating process, and is reudered necessary for the healthy development of its several parts. One has only to consider tho rate of political development tliroughout tho civilised world today, to think of the many matters of social importance pressing upon legislators for solution in every land of enlightenment and progress, to be convinced that some such plan should be for the best interest of the constituent parts of the Old Country, and so of the ‘Empire generally. It should bo directly beneficial to the United Kingdom, in conferring upon its several parts the power of legislating for themselves in those matters which concern themselves respectively. It is true that already in the Mother Country certain powers of local government have been given to parish and county councils ; and it may do asked why should not these be enlarged ? The answer is that in every land whore government is maintained, there must he some central authority. Further, Home Rule all round could not fail of being helpful to the Empire, by preparing the way for that federation of its various parts which is the idpal of the Imperialism of the day. It is when face to face with this Imperial ideal that the advantage of the retention of Irish members at Westminster is seen. In tho Bill if is laid down that the number of Irish members in the Imperial Parliament shall he .greatly reduced; and this proposal, so far as it goes, seems right. It sug--gests the linking up of the local Parliament or Legislature with tho central authority, whioh is surely, the very ideal of Imperial federation. Clearly, to initiate any schemo of devolution by retaining the number of members in the House of Commons as at present constituted would be to defeat any idea of extending the principle of the measure to tho Empire generally. The Irish members for Westminster, as further provided in the Bill, are to he elected by the people; and it is hard to see how any other provision should meanwhile suit' the circumstances of an admittedly difficult situation. But on a basis so constituted, an Imperial Parliament for the Empire should prove a rather unwieldy political machine. Its very dimension would ever be an incentive for it to abrogate for itself rights pertaining to tho local Legislatures of the various Imperial units. It requires little imagination to perceive that the ultimate solution of tho constitution of an Imperial Council or Parliament for the Empire will .be found in a ropresentative body wliose meinbois have been elected by and drawn from the Legislatures of tho various units of the Empire. This seems to be the most feasible practicable and adequate way of giving Imperial representation of the people of the Empire. While it is true that representatives elected under 1 should not be chosen by direct vote of the people, it is clear that indirectly they should be so chosen, as being, appointed bv the members of the Legislatures wb'o themselves had been elected bv direct vote of the people .So the method of election may be claimed as mouioa ' , d soundly demoora?L°Ton'e workable and in keeping °cnirit of the times. It woula wivli the 5 P . jj Imperial reprebo few "but expert; sentatives a most important further fj iev would ever be consider. , Legislatures electing amenably ±i iroU a]j these Legislatures I Ki th »- v ,b “ kl "H sent. ———— S