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IMPERIAL POLITICS.

RESUMPTION OF PARLIAMENT. THE DUAL CHAMBER QUESTION. SPEECH BY THE PREMIER. United Press Association—By Electric Telegraph—Copyright. LONDON, March 29. The House of Commons was crowded when Parliament resumed after the Easter recess. The Prince of Wales and man'y ambassadors were present. Mr Asquith and Mr Balfour met with an enthusiastic reception. The Premier moved that the House should resolve itself into a committee of the whole, to consider the relations of the two Houses and the duration of Parliament. He admitted that he had changed his youthful opinions, and now considered that two chambers were expedient. He proceeded to deliver a long constitutional argument to prove that the limitation of the veto and the shortening of the duration of Parliaments provided the most practical way of securing that the popular will should not bo frustrated. The referendum or a joint session of the two Houses, as was provided by the Australian Constitution, was inadmissible under existing circumstances. He concluded by claiming that the Lords' power of absolute veto must follow the Crown's veto before the road could be cleared for the advance of a full-grown and unfettered democracy. Mr Balfour is now replying. THE GOVERNMENT AND THE LORDS. VETO RESOLUTIONS BEFORE PARLIAMENT. MR ASQUITH'S SPEECH. (Received March 30, 11.15 p.m.) LONDON, March 30. The House of Commons was crowded when the- debate on the veto resolutions was opened, the Prince of Wales, many peers, tho American Ambassador and other diplomatists being present. Mr Asquith admitted that his matured judgment had brought him the conviction that there was both room and nerd for a second chamber—(Opposition cheers)—but ho denied that, except in name, they were laving under the bicameral system. He criticised tho House of Lords for assuming the attitudo of " allowing" Liberal measures to pass. He instanced tho Trades Disputes Bill and quoted the Marquis of Lansdowne advising tho Lords to move with great caution, adding that conflicts possibly wore inevitable, but ho joined i-suo that their Lordships must choose the ground most favourable for themselves. Mr Asquith interpreted this as implying the maintenance of their powers and privileges. It was frankly restraint of a partisan assembly. Tho only consideration was that resting on a purely hereditary basis, and in the long run devoid of authority, it must bo careful not to risk its own skin. The Government desired to see tho maintenance of the predominance of tho Houso of Commons in legislation, but a relatively small second chamber, resting on a democratic, not an hereditary basis, might with proper safeguards usefully discharge the functions of consultation, revision and delay. His resolutions were no final or adequate solution. The House of Lords would still retain powers, which as at present constituted, it was still qualified to discharge. It remained an unrepresentative body able to seriously delay tho fulfilment of the expressed will of tho electorate. The resolutions were simply the broad basis for a Bill. Some provision must be made against the purely speculative possibility of tacking in financial Bills. The Crown's creation of peers in existing circumstances was the only remedy for a deadlock. Lord Rosebery's resolution that the possession of a peerage per se should not entitle a peer to sit and vote was a fatal blow at the Royal prerogative. The right should only be exercised in case of need, but should then be exercised without fear. A referendum was inadmissible. It would undermine the authority of Parliament, even if it were possible to completely segregate a particular issue. Discussing a former Royal veto, he emphasised that Royalty had not suffered from its abolition. Kin.sj Edward held the Crown by a far securer tenure than the Tudors.

Mr Balfour attributed the, proposals, which neither ended nor mended the Lords, to divergence of views among members of the Government regarding reform. If the Lords wore unfitted to perform their functions, why not change them? Mr Asquith's scheme recommended a chamber bereft of all power. The Lords passed the Trades Disputes Bill, because, as tho Marquis of Lansdowne declared, the feeling of the community was strongly in its favour. Tho House of Lords would have preferred the Trades Disputes Bill as originally introduced, so would the Government. (Opposition cheers.) The Government gave it tip. Why? To save their skins., (Cheers.) Cabinet Ministers had skins equally with the peers, and were as anxious to save them. It was not surprising that the House of Lords resisted and delayed the measures of a revolutionary Government, but there had been no deadlock. Ministerialists wero never weary of proclaiming what wonderful legislation had been passed in tho last three years. Tho House of Commons was now asked to prevent the House of Lords again rejecting Horn© Rule. Mr Asquith's scheme was an absurd experiment with the constitution. Ministerial stories about the right to reject a Money Bill violated truth and history. Tho tacking scheme would throw responsibility on the Speaker, who would thus in a sense become tho author of legislation. Mi' Lloyd George's Budget wont a good way in tho direction

of taxing a certain class out of existence. Was tho House asked seriously to affirm, under those circumstances, that to consult the community was wrong? He admitted that the exercise of this safeguard ought to be rare and used with tho utmost circumspection, but it would bo the height of folly for tho Legislature to abolish its exercise. His opinion was held by all tho great, free, self-governing States, for instance, South Africa and Australia. Mr Asquith's proposed suspensory veto implied a single chamber. The position in Parliament's lifetime implied living under a piebald harlequin constitution.

Mr Redmond heartily supported the Government, but regretted that the resolutions were not submitted during the election. The delay would necessitate another oloction, and might lead to a decline of enthusiasm.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT19100331.2.55

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXXI, Issue 15267, 31 March 1910, Page 7

Word Count
968

IMPERIAL POLITICS. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXXI, Issue 15267, 31 March 1910, Page 7

IMPERIAL POLITICS. Lyttelton Times, Volume CXXI, Issue 15267, 31 March 1910, Page 7

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