WEALTH OF MOROCCO.

Lyttelton Times, Volume CXV, Issue 14053, 7 May 1906, Page 3

WEALTH OF MOROCCO.

(Paris Correspondent '‘'New York Sun.”) The soil of Morocco is rich and produces the most generous vegetation in all north. Africa, the only arid regions being a few spots north of the Atlas and along the extreme southern boundary of the country. The Atlas and the Riff Mountains are thickly ■wooded. The climate and conditions suit all kinds of live stock. The greatest riches of the country lie in the untold mineral wealth—gold, silver, copper, load, iron, antimony, sulphur, saltpetre, etc. These immense resources of -Nature are as yet practically undeveloped. Leather tanning is at present tho chief industry. Important tanneries are found in almost every town. Their product is known all over the world as the beautiful Morocco leather, Cordova leather and the soft Saffian. This great natural wealth long ago attracted the attention of Europe and tempted its merchants, then in turn its politicians and statesmen. Not only Franco, but Spain, England, Portugal, and last, but not least, Germany, have taken pains to secure- a footing in Moroccan trade and have sought means of furthering their commercial interests in the country. In 1875 there were entered at tho Moroccan ports 1441 foreign ships of 253,556 tonnage—637 ships wore British, 243 French, 407 Spanish, 110 Portuguese, and only five were German vessels. In 1902 the ships trading with Morocco included 670 British vessels, 375 French and 235 German. While. French commerce with Morocco has increased since 1875, statistics show that only a relatively small part of that increase has occurred during the last eight years. In 1894 the total of French exports and imports amounted to £625.000. In 1902 the total had been increased \by only £11,500. That stagnation becomes important when it is considered that during tho same period (1894-1902) British Moroccan trad© increased 55 per cent, and the German commerce 75 per cent. As the borders of French Algeria touch Morocco, France's special interests in that country are first of all political. THE NATVTE POPULATION OF ALGERIA is homogeneous in race and customs with that of Morocco. The discontent of the Algerian tribes finds natural sympathy and ready support from the tribes across the border. The continual disorders on these frontiers are prejudicial to French rule in Algeria, which fact,, indicates the particular interest the French Government has in securing peaceful conditions in Morocco. The position of Spain on account of her possessions on the Moroccan coast is similar to that of France. ' British interests in Morocco, which are exclusively commercial and shipping, take the lead in importance over those'of all other foreign competitors. Her trade ie 40 per cent in excess of that of Germany and France combined. German interests in Morocco are of recent date. They cap virtually be sum to have come into existence since the commercial expedition of Dr Jannash in 1886. There are at present in Ta listers and at tire ports of the west coast some twenty German firms, equalling in number and in prosperity the English firms, and nearly doubling the number of the French houses. A great .part of-the Moroccan export trade to llrancs (hides and tanned leather) and to England, (eggs) is German hands. The total German trad* with Morocco at present is aliout £400,000; the total French, £755,000; the toial British £1,850,000. The healthy increase of the British and German commerce, concurrently with the stagnation of French trade in the Maghreb, - where the French have incontestably predominant and important interests at stake, made it evident thabthe policy of France must include measures for safeguarding her exceptional position in Morocco. - .ihe hrat necessity was to compto an understanding with ,Spain and England. _ Franco was obliged to obtain a definition of Spain’s claims over the hinterland of the Spanish Moroccan possessions. It' was found that Fiance and England could meet oh A COMMON PLATFORM OF THE MOHAMMEDAN QUESTION. The extraordinary renaissance of Islam and the growing influence of the Sultan of Turkey in Pan-Islam made it appear wise that these two great European Moslem Powers should consort together for the preservation of their Moslem possessions. In. Algeria, where the French rule depends upon the French army, English policy found, a strong lever of opposition to Prancohn the hostility of the native population toward the French occupation. In Egypt, the Persian Gulf and other Mohammedan lands under British protection the French found constant means of retaliation in what was called the pin-prick policy. The> removal of that continual trietion between the two Powers and the invention of a means of controlling the Pan-Islamio movement provided a natural basis for harmonious relations between the .two Powers. The considerations suggest a possible reason for England’s renunciation in favour of Franc© of her own righs devolving from the paramount British commercial position in Morocco. The arrangement with England gave France a free hand, in her north African policy, strengthening her position in Algeria and Tunis, and left England unhampered in her plans in Arabia and t'ne Persian Gulf for the protection of her Indian Empire. The Anglo-French understanding involved the policy of leaving Germany, which has no Moslem subjects, out of the combination. As, however, the Kaiser rightly or wrongly has come to be regarded as a protector of Islam, the eventuality had to be foreseen of subsequently facing him with a fait accompli. Germany, not being yet fully launched in the policy of colonial expansion, is chiefly concerned in securing the markets of the world for her industrial products. It is. her especial effort to obtain the advantages of a colonial empire by capturing and MONOPOLISING THE TRADE AND INDUSTRIES IN ORIENTAL COUNTRIES. Therein ie to be sought the explanation of the Kaiser’s friendship with the Sultan of Turkey, as well as with the Sultan of Morocco. A curious fact not generally observed, but interesting at this present crisis, is that some years ago there was founded in Germany tl;o Morocco Society which last year developed into the Mediterranean Society. Germany’s contention is that, as events in other lands are demonstrating, the open door becomes a farce when a country falls under the tutelage of one outside Power alone; she insists that Morocco shall remain independent and mat tho principle of the open door shall he strictly observed by all the Powers. The situation which brought about the conference was at first foreign ■ to the Moroccan question. The tension was created by an attempt on the part of France to modify the balance of political power in Europe. M. Delcasse entered into a combination with the object of breaking up tho Triple Alliance and leaguing France, England, Italy and Austria together, with the view of isolating Germany. His mistake lay in coupling his great plan with the French Moroccan policy. When his design became apparent, tho German Emperor undertook to test the bonds that held the coalition together, and, if possible, to wreck it. The Kaiser went openly to Morocco, And German diplomacy threw itself ag-

gvessively, even ruthlessly, at the com-' bination, following, even at the risk of war, the policy decided upon by the Bundcsrath, the great Council of tho Empire, called together for the second time since the erection of the German Empire. INDEPENDENT TRIBES. The Sultan of Morocco claims authority over the entire country marked on the maps as Morocco. In reality his sway extends only over one-fifth of that territory. The other four-fifths are inhabited by independent, tribes, who not only do not come under bis rule, but treat with him as equal with equal, and against whom ho wages ceaseless warfare, as the Sultans of Morocco have done before him during hundreds of years, in tho vain effort to subdue them. The region which in reality recognises the Sultan is called the Blad-el-Maghzcn, “ Government land,” or “the field of conscription ’’—which, broadly speaking, forms the plain lands on the western seaboard. The rest of Morocco is called Blad-es-Sida (“the field of the free”), and, is mostly mountainous country, extending from the Blad-el-Maghzon to tho borders of. Algeria. The Blad-es-Sida is traversed in several parts by fortified, roads belonging to the Maghzeip The possession of the throne by a Sultan of Morocco depends upon tho military power he has at his command. If since the end of the seventeenth century the members of one dynasty have occupied the throne, it is because this line of rulers have been able to support the prestige they enjoy as descendants of the Prophet by the military power of their retainers. It is not absolutely necessary that tho Sultan of Morocco should bo a Shereef; that is, have descent from AH, the husband of Fat’ma, the only child of Mahomet. What is of paramount importance to every claimant to the primacy and the throne is that he shall bo able to command strong enough military power to “conciliate” to himself a great number of the other tribes. Novor yet has any Sultan been able to impose his domination upon all the tribes in the territory known as Morocco. If at any time the leader of one of the other tribes should find himself with military forces superior to that of tho Sultan there would be no reason why he should not claim the primacy over tho other tribes and make himself Sultan. Most dangerous to the Sultan are those leaders of tribes possessing military forces, whether Shereef or not. At present the two persons whom the Sultan has most cause to fear are the Pretender Mouley Mohammed, called Bon-Hamara (father of the ass), and also called the “Roghi,” the supposed elder brother of the Sultan, and BonAmama, who has been for many years the sworii enemy of the French. BonAmama, has such prestige in southeastern Morocco and in the neighbouring territory of French Algeria that the people use his name as a symbol in their most sacred oath. The present dynastic Shereefist is entirely dependent on the army. The authority of the Sultan extends exactly as far as those places occupied by his soldiers —and no further. THE MOROCCAN ARMY. To-day the army is composed of three categories, the tribes of the Maghzen, contingents pressed into service from the subjugated tribes and the volunteers, ■ mostly made up of Spanish, French and other European renegades. Mouley lihael, Sultan of Morocco at the end of the seventeenth century, created a militia out o 5 caravans of black slaves he bought with their wives and children in the Soudan. He organised .this black militia into a triple under the leadership of a holy person, the Marabout BonKhari. This tribe has remained ever since a strictly military tribe, slaves of the Sultan. At one time tho influence of the tribesmen became so ’ great that .they arrogated to themselves the political role played by the Pretorian Guards of Rome. In order to counteract and control the increasing power of these B-m-Kharis one of the Sultans made feudal alliances with a number of white Berber tribes, to whom he gave not only soldiers’ pay but large holdings of laud, tax free, in return for their military services.

Cannon are called the “sacred arm,” are. the personal arm of the Sultan, and confer the right of sanctuary to the man who is pursued. If ho can touch a cannon he is immune from capture, arrest or death. Tho soldier is called “el Asker.” As a rule ho wears no particular uniform. He is apt to sell the one provided for him by the Government. His badge is tho rifle, which he is never without. There are camps, but no' barracks. Anybody, a soldier or a private individual, who has no house or place of abode can sleep in the Moorish cafes or in the public baths, which are the habitual sleeping places of the homeless throughout northern Africa. When the Sultan is in camp with his soldiers, either on an expedition or on a journey, he carries his whole state with him, and his camp presents a picturosquo appearance. The encampment is separated into two main groups. The Sultan’s great tent ie called the “Koubba.” Circling it are the many little tents of the harem. The whole ring is walled around with gorgeous silken hangings. On the western side of the Koubba group lie the tents of the slaves, tho prisoners and the stables of the horses. Looking east from tho Sultanas tent are a large number of tents called the “Mechouar.” jThey are the tents of the Government Ministers. By these tents and before the Sultan’s silken wall are posted the field artillery and machine guns. This city of tents—including the Sultan’s quarter, called the “ Mohalla-el-Magbzen ” —is protected by the camp of tho soldiers, massed still further on toward the east. Each military tribe has its hereditary position, which it always takes up relatively to the others, in this custom recalling the ancient Scottish battle arrangements. Between the Mehalla-el-Maghzen and the soldiers lies the market, called “ Souk.” In the Souk live the families, women and children, and servants ‘ of the officers and soldiers. The greatest place in tho Souk is occupied by merchants, charlatan doctors, singers, magicians, ballad mongers, snake charmers and dancers. Needless to say, the Sultan’s troops would have no value before a European army. Tlie independent tribes of the Blad-es-Sida are Berbers. They are the . ■, DESCENDANTS OP ONE OF THE OLDEST RACES. Their language is still the tamahon, or Ainzigh, and is still written with the same characters as those found on the antique Egyptian monuments at Edfou and those of the Lybian desert. The Berbers (Kabyles, Tewareks, etc.) have a social organisation and a political constitution, with characteristics more curious and original than any other known to human experience. The French writers who have made special studies of these peoples, Carette, Devaux, Ferano, Hanotaux, Sabatier, etc., speak' of these organisations with astonishment. Their conclusion is that the most civilised and the most liberal among European nations could learn much from these mountain tribes, whose very existence and relative place among the inhabitants of northern Africa were ignored up lo about fifty years ago, and who ©ven now are thought of by tho outside world as being uncivilised. The social and political organisation of these peoples is purely democratic and republican. Each village or taddert is independent, and forms a small republic. Every free man, rich or poor, above the ago of fifteen, is a citizen, with full political and civil rights. The Berber is a skilled agriculturist, and does fine work in iron, wood and

leather, ns well as in gold and silver. He loves the soil, which affection is supposed to he reciprocated by the earth. Contrary to his neighbour of the plains,, the indolent and dreamy Arab, ho is n lover of work, a laugher, a joker and of practical temperament. He is inexorable in his ideas of justice ; he measures life as nothing as against honour and freedom; he expresses his love for freedom in the saying that he “ will he the Sultan of his own head ” ; he has an extreme sense of solidarity with his own kith and kin, his family and his tribe, and his' tribal confederations, but he has not as yet the sense of race or of nation. These independent Berber tribes are of the same mettle as the Algerian Kahyle Berbers, which the French found so hard to master, and which are only held to-day by force of arms. Most of the French officers who have studied Morocco have recognised that a. permanent occupation of that country would be difficult.