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The Lyttelton Times. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1891.

The vacancy in the leadership o£ the Opposition has, it appears, heen filled by the election of Mr Eolleston. Since Mr Bryce retired several gentlemen have been named as probable successors to this position, but by common consent Mr Mitchelsou has been left out of the calculations. That gentleman’s weakness was made

so painfully apparent a short time ago, when he attempted to lead the House during Sir Harry Atkinson s illness, that it is no wonder he is left unconsidered now. Mr Scohie Mackenzie was understood to aim at the position, and to “ have hopes.” That the gentleman named possesses a certain veneer of wit and smartness is admitted, but there is a lack of statesmanship about the member for Mount Ida which has been abundantly exposed by his political career. In his earlier days he repeatedly spoke on one side and voted on the other; and though he has since heen more consistent, he has that love of theatrical display which has so often marred the careers of greater men. Mr Mackenzie, unfortunately for himself and his party, does not possess the quality of attracting men. The pyrotechnic which he on every possible occasion presents to the House and galleries only command the admiration of the unthinking. They exhibit an extensive vocabulary, it is true, hut do not possess that calm, solid reasoning power, that intimate perception of cause and effect and of the probable and remote results of legislation, which are the first requisites in a statesman.

Had Captain Russell heen ambitious of leading the Opposition, he would have had strong claims on his party. He possesses considerable ability, a wide and comprehensive knowledge of the politics of the Colony, the suaviter in modo to a degree (when he chooses to employ it), and that cheery manner and general bonhomie which attract friends and keep them. His power as a leader has never been seriously tested, but we think that if it ever should Ids he will he found wanting in ambition and creative ability. .He is at heart a Conservative of the Conservatives, who would rather leave matters alone than undertake the task of re-casting legislation to meet the altered circumstances of the times. There was little prospect of the member for Ellesmere again leading his party. Sir John Hall is a politician of a bygone day. With the one exception of his sympathy with female suffrage, he remains very much the good old Conservative he was in the pre-Liberal period, before the G-reyite wave had passed over the Colony. Nevertheless, he possesses great tactical knowledge, born of a very long Parliamentary experience, considerable statecraft, and a watchful eye. He is, however, an antiquated politician, whose claims on his party are rather that he was, when in office, a good administrator than that he ever propounded and carried through a large scheme indicating a master mind. It may he said, indeed, that nature never marked Sir John out as a leader of men by dowering him with the force of character’, farsightedness and energy necessary to direct the ship of State in troublous times.

The remaining member of the quartette of Opposition leaders ia Mr Eolleston, aud his election to the vacant leadership may he regarded as tolerably certain. We question if Mr Eolleston can cement together a party formed of such discordant elements as the present Opposition. A man of Liberal instincts and convictions, he will find himself at the head of a party containing Conservatives of the most pronounced views. Indeed, we doubt if Mr Eolleston’s leadership will be tolerated for long by his party, unless he is prepared to surrender his Liberal opinions on the land question. The uncertainty of his exact political position is further accentuated by a temperament which prevents Mr Eolleston ever rising to eloquence or creating a spirit of enthusiasm amongst his followers. If the members of the Opposition were permitted the privilege of creating a leader, they would probably instruct the fairy who was to obey their behest to produce a combination of the quartette who have heen administering the office. In that case wo might hope for a gentleman possessing the fiery eloquence of Mr Scobie Mackenzie, the parliamentary knowledge of Sir John Hall, and the Conservatively - Liberal opinions of Mr Eolleston, chastened by the geniality of Captain Eussell. But for obvious reasons such a combination is at the present time impossible; and not being able to secure the whole of these qualities in combination, the Conservatives have apparently determined to secure all they can in the member for Halswell, counselled and assisted by the remaining three members of the quadramvirate. That Mr Eolleston is a heaven-born statesman few will believe; hut from his antecedents it may he expected that he will carefully assist in upholding the honour and dignity of the House; also, that he wilt be no party to any factious opposition to the proposals of the party in power. A well - ordered and disciplined Opposition is able to do invaluable work, by the exercise of its critical functions, and by the check it places upon imperfectly-considered schemes and proposals. Just now, when rapid transitions in legislation are being made, the functions of the Opposition come especially into play, and we congratulate the members on that side of the House upon having secured as their leader a gentleman who is largely qualified for the discharge of tlie duties of the important office.

The rejection of the Shop Hours Bill by an majority of the Legislative Council is non an unexpected defeat. Prom the first, the Upper House had shown an uncompromising hostility to the measure, even in the somewhat amended and modified form in which it was passed, by the Lower Chamber. On behalf of the Council’s action, it will, of course, be urged that shop hours’ legislation is an entirely novel thing in this Colony; also, that the Bill would have interfered with the business of a number of comparatively poor people. Wo refer to the small shopkeepers of the suburbs. As against this, we have merely to reiterate that the principle of early closing is universally admitted to be good. If a g principle is never to he adopted because it may possibly interfere with the gains of a certain class, very few measures of social reform would

ever be carried, Por example, none of the Pactory Acts which form so brilliant a record during the last seventy years of English legislation would ever have been placed upon the Statute Book. But we are not concerned just now to argue for or against the Shop Hours Bill. What we wish to point out is the extreme and unreasonable conduct of the Legislative Council. When it became evident that the chances of the Bill were hopeless, the Minister in charge of it offered to accept a very small modicum of concession. The Council was asked to merely pass so much of the Bill as would give a weekly half-holiday and provide that sitting accommodation for shopgirls should be compulsorily provided. But the Council would not listen for a moment to the request for even this little instalment. Councillors declaimed violently against interference with social liberty, and in defence of the small shops. How social liberty is threatened by a weekly half-holiday —to be fixed in each town on the day thought most convenient by the Municipality—-the indignant gentlemen did not explain. Nor did they condescend to advance any arguments against the provision of sitting accommodation for shop-women. They know that in England the practice of keeping young women on their feet for many hours has become a crying disgrace. They know that it has provoked the satire of even that most kindly of social observers, Mr Punch. They know that satire and indignation have alike been fruitless in England, and that shop girls are still tortured there as of old. Nevertheless they have declined to listen to aay compromise, however reasonable, or to grant any concession, however small. They have vindicated that social liberty which prevents shop assistants from having the right to spend one afternoon a week in the fresh air. Their conduct will not increase the public belief in their reason and moderation.

Permanent link to this item

https://paperspast.natlib.govt.nz/newspapers/LT18910908.2.19

Bibliographic details

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXVI, Issue 9513, 8 September 1891, Page 4

Word Count
1,378

The Lyttelton Times. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1891. Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXVI, Issue 9513, 8 September 1891, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. TUESDAY, SEPTEMBER 8, 1891. Lyttelton Times, Volume LXXVI, Issue 9513, 8 September 1891, Page 4

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