The Lyttelton Times. FRIDAY, AUGUST 22, 1884.

Lyttelton Times, Volume LXII, Issue 7326, 22 August 1884, Page 4

The Lyttelton Times. FRIDAY, AUGUST 22, 1884.

Politics seem to be drifting into a perpetual scramble for office. Hardly lias a Government been formed, after the turmoil of an appeal to the country, than it is attacked with a motion of no-confidence. As far as wo understand the state of parties in the House of Representatives, the successful carrying of Mr Thomson’s amendment will be the beginning of a series of contests, the end of which no man can foresee, except it bo Major Atkinson’s return to the Treasury Beaches, with strength increased to a staying power absolutely indefinite. We do not wish to say anything against the ex-Premier now : ah that is necessary is to point out that the will of the people has been declared against him. If lie returns to power he returns against the declared will of the people. Mr Thomson has given the signal for the beginning of a course of things that must cud in going against the declared will of the people. One wonders why the last appeal should have been made to the people at all; one wonders too, why Mr Thomson is the man to turn upon his old colleagues. Our correspondent told us that his action had created some surprise—naturally, for he has been regarded hitherto as one of t he staunchest members of the party. The member for Clutha, however, is not a strong man, and he has held high office. Soon after the formation of the present Ministry this combination of weakness and history had the usual result; Mr Thomson felt neglected. The Chairmanship of Committees, perhaps, ought to nave been his, but his party had failed to get him the position once before. Under the present peculiar condition of parties they could hardly have been expected to risk a repetition of the defeat, but common sense never comes to the aid of the intellect unhinged by political misfortune. The member for Clutha got into a bad frame of mind, the Opposition got hold of him in this mood, he accepted the position of mover of the amendment, and his allegiance to the Opposition became permanent. That is how we read the story of Mr Thomson’s attack on the Government. For the rest, Mr Thomson is an amiable man and well liked in the House. That will only deepen the regret that even his now friends will feel for the false position in which he has placed himself.

Tho Opposition was in a difficult position. Sir George Grey would have driven many men into the Government lobby; so would Mr Wakefield. The members of the old Government are understood to be most adverse to taking any leading action in the matter. Mr Ormond is also of those who do cot see their way through tho position of affairs. Under the circumstances, the Opposition had to take a stranger to their party to head the indecent attack which they had determined to make upon tho Government. Tho Governor’s Speech contained the heads of a noble policy. Tho measures of tho late Ministry would have supplied details and’ would have thrown light on what necessarily was obscure and apparently contradictory. The Opposition has chosen to explain the'heads of tho policy for itsolf without waiting for tho measures. They condemn unheard, even unseen; they depend on the liveliness of their imaginations quite as much as upon .the rancour of their political feelings; they delay the country’s business without the excuse of a policy, or without any particular men or combination of men able to devise a policy or to carry it out, without even a single principle to bo put forward or defended. By their indecent haste the Opposition havo begun badly. In Canterbury and Otago the position ought to lie viewed with special interest. For years the people of both districts havo regretted the inability of their members to pull together, and complained against Governments that did them no justice. There was two days ago a Government which recognised its duty in this important particular of justice, and was ready and willing to perform it. It was a Government which had grown out of the answer returned by the constituencies of Canterbury and Otago to tho appeal made to ’ them at tho late elections. No sooner had that Government taken its seat on the Treasury Benches than a successful

attainpt wan ntiulo to stifle its policy ami drive it. from office. The attempt was under the guidance of an Otago member. There were Otago members supporting him, and four Canterbury members threw in their lot with them. Of these gentlemen we have taken tho lilsyrty to express our opinion more at large below.

To the Canterbury constituencies the behaviour of tho»r member# during tho short history of the Vogel-Stout government is deeply interesting. Except in four eases, that behaviour is not only interesting but highly gratifying. Seventeen out of the twenty-one members of the district (wo include Cheviot) stood by their fleet ion pledges and represented Canterbury interests with firm, united front. Mr Walker, who seconded the Address-in-Reply in a way that, by its manliness and good tone, won as much approval as tho speech of tho mover (Mr Mackenzie, of Mount Ida), spoke their united sentiment very effectually, with a full understanding of the real character of political combination, and the absolute impossibility of doing at tae present time without combinations. Those seventeen Canterbury members rallied round the combination that gave the best chance of realisation to tho wishes of their constituents wishes which they wore pledged to do their utmost to carry out. Of the other four, the conduct of Mr Bolloston is the least unsatisfactory. Pledged to the Atkinson part)', he had a right to oppose the VogelStout combination. Had bo affirmed tho principle of fair trial by refraining from voting till some Government measure was before him, ho would have come out of the business with an altogether unblemished record. What he loses on this score, however, Mr Eolleston only loses as a member of the Atkinson party, which voted in a block, no doubt by arrangement of all. Hence, the fact that this particular Canterbury memlx;r voted against the first combination that has ever promised Canterbury equal justice?, does not appreciably mar the satisfaction generally felt ut tho conduct of the 17 who so honourably and faithfully stood by Canterbury interests. The member for Selwyn is the most brilliant of all the Canterbury members, and in some resjjects the most gifted. He is likewise tho most unsatisfactory. No man in the House of Representatives can describe principles so well, and no man’s political actions show less accord with principles than do those of the member for Selwyn. He represents a Canterbury constituency it is true. Selwyn is thus honoured, but Selwyn’s connection with its gifted member is only a constitutional formality for giving Mr Wakefield an introduction to a career of ambition —the member for Selwyn’s real constituency is himself. Unlike most other members of the Lower House (we wish we could say all, but we have not the necessary boldness of imagination), Mr Wakefield carries about with dim wherever he goes, not only that gifted, high principled mind of his, but also his beautiful and amiable constituency. He will tell you on a public occasion, with that charming voice and an accent of his, that he is a Colonial politician. The real meaning of that is that he will condescend to serve the Colony on the same terms on which he serves tho constituency with which he has the formal and constitutional connection. These arc any terms that he may choose to dictate. In this he is not unreasonable, for the first article of the Wakefieldian creed is that if the country is to be saved, tho name of the saviour must be Wakefield. When the Grey party was in the ascendancy Mr Wakefield had a well grounded idea that if he could get into the Cabinet the country would be saved from tbe destruction threatened by what he was afterwards pleased to term an unscrupulous faction. It is on record that on that occasion the country did not got this chance of salvation, and it is shrewdly suspected that the saviour expectant mourned very sincerely for the country’s sad fate. He certainly deplored that fate in good set terms very frequently. As long as there was no Vogel in our politics the talented and original memWr for Selwyn declared against borrowing a single penny more. When Sir Julius Vogel came forward, and was accepted by a portion of tho country as one who regarded some degree of borrowing necessary, Mr Wakefield thought that Sir Julius Vogel should form a moderate party, and that ho should join him, in order that ho might, according to his unswerving desire, save tho country. When Sir Julius was forming his Ministry, it was no secret that the member for Selwyn was very seriously offended (for the country’s sake, of course) because he was not sent for to help to save the country. When it was convoyed to him in terms of tender decision that his help would have to bo of the irresponsible non-portfolio order, ho at onco—aml, from his point of view, very consistently—cam© to tho conclusion that tho saving of tho country hud become impossible under the circumstances. In consequence, belaboured day and night to get the task of saving Government committed to other hands. Mr Wakefield may yet live to l»o a reformer whoso political creed will be shared by the nation. At present he has been successful in getting only a portion of his single creed accepted with anything like generality. Most men who know anything of politics hold firmly with Mr Wakefield, that no Government which does not contain Mr Wakefield us a member can count on him as a friend, When this admittedly brilliant politician came forward to represent the Selwyn constituency, he thought his political adversity would have graced him with the effect of the proverbial sweet uses. Events have proved that Mr Wakefield’s disbeliet in everybody else is still equal to his warn belief in himself. Whether his constituents will think it worth while to argue this

point with their versatile friend i» a matter entirely for their consideration. Probably they feel that anything he may say is not of the slightest consequence. Messrs Origg and Reese will have to explain to their constituents the very peculiar action they have thought proper to bike. Mr Origg was brought out by Sir Julius Vogel's Ashburton speech, declared against the Property btx, and gave the reason that it drives awav capital. He declared that if a Laml tax should Is; necessary, it should be a Land lax for local cxjieiiditure, in his speech Sir J, Vogel fqioke highly of Mr Stout. In the papers of the clay Mr Stout published a letter of which the leading feature was bis cordial alliance with Sir Julius Vogel. Mr Origg fought his election and was returned as a Vogelife. Sir Julius joined Mr Stout in forming a Cabinet, thus carrying out ‘ the plain indications of the election t ime. The Speech they constructed for His Excellency the Governor very Morally fulfilled the promises of Ashburton about both the Property tax and the Land tax. Mr Origg took the first opportunity to stand up in his place in the House and declare against the Government, on the grounds that Sir Julius and Mr Stout had coalesced, that be did not approve of the two taxation proposals aU*ve-named, and that he had I good reason to believe no word of the | reason given by Sir Julius Vogel. Mr | Origg has declared against Sir Julias I Vogel because Sir Julius has done the j very things which, at. the time Mr | Origg was promising his electors to | support him, the whole world knew | Sir Julius Vogel must do. Mr I Origg has gone deliberately against I his election pledges. As an honorI able man he is bound at once to place himself in the hands of his const it a- | cuts. Mr Reese has violated election pledges inasmuch as he has voted against the only Government which has, since the agitation for the West Coast Railway was originated, declared warmly and thoroughly for the construction of that work, which he has always advocated as most important to the Colony, and this district, by reason of the certainty it enjoys of highly reproductive direct and indirect returns. By walking into the lobby with the representatives of the Westport Collieries and the other enemies, natural and unnatural, of the West Coast Railway, Mr Reese has placed himself in a false position from which only the vote of his constituents at the ballot can release him.