The Lyttleton Times. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1864.

Lyttelton Times, Volume XXII, Issue 1321, 22 November 1864, Page 4

The Lyttleton Times. TUESDAY, NOVEMBER 22, 1864.

There are two periods in the history of this colony between which a very marked distinction exists. So clear are their separate characteristics, that they may be designated Old and Young New Zealand. And these terms we apply not to the country before and after its colonization, but to two epochs of its recognised existence as a colony. The first epoch includes the period during which Auckland, "Wellington, Nelson, and Otago were the main centres of European civilization in these islands. The second may be said to date from the foundation of the settlement of Canterbury, and is that in which we are now living. Of the first it may be said, that in it colonization barely held its own against natural obstacles, and the opposition of the aborigines. From the commencement of the second it has been evident that colonization has received a powerful impulse which has changed its former arithmetical, into its present geometrical rate of progression. Let us not be misunderstood, however, as though we were assigning the foundation of Canterbury as the cause of the more rapid advance of the colony in later times. Canterbury was dull enough during the first few years of its existence. The real cause of the impetus given to colonization here and elsewhere was the discovery of goldfields in Australia, which at once brought within our reach, directly and indirectly, a mass of population and wealth altogether beyond our most sanguine expectations. At all events, there can be no difference of opinion as to the fact that within the last twelve years a vastly increased amount of colonizing energy and* wealth has been expended in New Zealand, and especially in the Middle Island. The rapid accumulation of wealth is that which chiefly distinguishes the second period in the history of New Zealand, and that also which has given rise to many of our present difficulties. The possession of public wealth at ottee started the question, who should be entrusted with its expenditure, and the eryifig Want of the first-necessaries in the way of local improvement for opening up the country obviously suggested suspicion and dislike to any system of strictly centralized government. No sooner did the constitution granted by the Crown come into operation than there was evinced a strong desire to de-centralize the functions of executive government with the view of securing to each separate locality the full benefit of the revenue it produced. It can hardly be denied that the power of local self-government which has been so earnestly contended for has produced most beneficial results. The principle involved in it is clearly a right one, especially in a new country, where individual and comparatively isolated effort has to build up the whole structure of civilized society from its foundation. But at the same time it is equally undeniable that the desire for local independence, may be carried too far. No one, we imagine, would maintain the opinion that the position of England would be improved were every county made an independent province, with its own Superintendent, its own Parliament and Executive Government. "We see thatthis would Tjeno mucu Tne Teverse-ra-fek© mottH>r-oouatry. And we can all acknowledge this because we are able to look at England as a whole.' To all our minds the unity of England is as much a fact as the various interests and welfare of her constituent parts. We can see that it would mark a serious retrogression in the prosperity and integral power of England were she split up into a collection of separate communities similar to those which constitute the colony of New Zealand. Hence it is easy to see that even on grounds of self-interest there are limits beyond which, the desire for local independent government in the shape which it takes in New Zealand, cannot be carried with safety. It need hardly be said that local improvement is the thing aimed at in all endeavours to obtain local self-govern-ment. But local improvement may itself be retarded by needless subdivision of the country into small provinces. Division up to a certain point is acknowledged to be necessary. But if carried to excess, the country will suffer as a whole. The Expense of government will increase more than in proportion to the number of Governments to be I maintained, according to the general law, that those are proportionately the least expensive establishments to keep up which are managed on the largest scale. By the same law the credit in the money market of a number of small independent provinces is proportionately less than that of one large province. And, not to mention other injurious effects of needless provincial subdivision, it must obviously foster that spirit of petty rivalry which closes the mind to all j considerations connected with the prosperity of the country as a whole—that prosperity in the shape of corporate wealth and power which protects and consolidates the welfare of each particular locality. We have not far to seek for indications of the symptoms which seem to shew that the provincial subdivision of which we speak has been carried as far as it can be with a due regard to safety and substantial advantage. But the spirit which aims at entire local indepen- | dence is still working strongly, and we fear ' with as little concern for the welfare of the colony as a whole as of its component parts. True enough the South may well tremble at the burden likely to fall on it from the war in the North. But it is at least an open question whether the advantages would compensate for the loss entailed by complete separation from the Northern Island. Many will think that to cut off one half of the colony, and leave it to struggle on alone with crippled finances would do us in the end but little good. And if to this we add the threatened dismemberment of our own province, there does indeed seem to be imminent danger of all our boasted advantages in Canterbury being most uselessly frittered away. Cannot our neighbours at Timam take heart from the statement of the case so fairly put by Mr. Simms in his letter published by us on Tuesday last ? Doubtless it was inevitable that large expenditure should take place at the port and capital of such a province as Canterbury, and that the fruits of such expenditure for the benefit of more distant localities should take time to mature and make themselves felt. But it does seem mistaken policy to abandon the chance of benefit from work already done, just at the time when it is likely to become real and tangible. As business is now carried on, we may fairly expect to see the rivers bridged and the line of railway opened to Timaru before very long. And

if there be financial causes at work which may make it difficult for the whole province to anticipate its revenue for the advancement of public works, these causes will operate quite as strongly, if not more strongly,against obtaining iunds for a breakwater at Timaru, as against the necessary means for the completion of the Christchurch railway. Let our friends at Timaru think well of this. Canterbury is known, and favourably known as a whole. Timaru, should it start into existence as a separate province, will have its character to make in the money market —to prove the worth of its securities, and at first to get its prudence in the management of its financial affairs taken on trust. By*the time it has placed itself on a satisfactory footing with capitalists at home —has organised an independent local government, and obtained government buildings on the most moderate scale, it. will probably find that its assets and liabilities are much altered for the worse. The conviction will then probably creep in that a little patience and forbearance would have been a better policy than separation. Owing to the unhappy war in the North, the whole colony is now suffering from financial difficulty. But the- relief, when once it comes, will come to all. And the effect of better times will .be more sensibly felt by Canterbury as a whole than it will be by the separate provinces into which, through impatience of present difficulty, some are now seeking to divide it.