AUCKLAND.

Lyttelton Times, Volume IV, Issue 218, 2 December 1854, Page 3

AUCKLAND.

[The following letters were published in the Auckland papers shortly after the Southern Members of* the General Assembly had left Auckland."] MR. FITZ GERALD AND MR. WAKEFIELD. A To the Editor of the Southern Cross. '""Sib, —I do not know whether it is necessary for me to reply to a letter of Mr. Wakefield's, which I have read just as I am on the point of embarking in the steamer, and which has appeared in an extra number of the New'Zealander of to-day. Ido so solely for the information of those of my Aueklind friends, who will no doubt be surprised at some of the assertions it contains ; those who know Mr. Wakefield will not be surprised. Here as in England he is known to be a man incapable of speaking the truth when he has an object in view. I wish to allude to two points—my own ambition in taking office, and the Waste Lands' Bill. As to the first: shortly after I arrived in Auckland, and when the question of Responsible Government was yet pending, Mr. Wakefield, with whom I was then on speaking terms, urged upon me in the strongest language that it was my duty to take the lead in the Government if the offer should be made to me. I told him I thought the task was quite unsuitable to the office of Superintendent of a Province; that I did not intend to resign the latter, or to take office permanently under the General Government; that the position of leader of the first Responsible Government ought to be held by some one alone who could, ultimately, take the office of Secretary. Mr. Wakefield argued against this view ; and urged me most strongly to accept office. That conversation, coupled with the request of many of my friends, induced me to accede to his Excellency's request; with the recollection of that conversation, 1 can only regard Mr. Wakefield's letter as another of the many acts of his life, in which truth and honor have been disregarded. Mr. Wakefield knew, when he was writing that letter, that I only accepted office for a short period and with extreme reluctance.

Secondly, with regard to the Waste Lands' Bill: The Bill which passed the Legislative Council, and has now became law, is identically the same in principle as that which I first introduced, and that which I carried through the House in the second session. It is untrue to say that either of those Bills proposed to place the Legislative power in the Executive. All the three Bills did the same; namely, allowed the Governor to make regulations in concert with the Provincial Superintendents and Councils. It is true that Mr. Wakefield's ministry of a day proposed to and made the Governor assert in his speech that he would make such regulations, without any restraining authority whatever. He made the Governor say he would do that which he could not do by law. Mr. Wakefield, in fact, proposed to legislate for the colony himself. Of course he is vexed that both 'Houses of the Legislature should have joined to declare the illegality of his attempt, and to restrain him from doing so. Like many of his class, he shelters himself* in his defeat by a perversion of facts. I am quite content that I have been the means, by that Bill as it now stands, of saving the colony from the hands of a man who no one has ever yet walked with in any of his numerous schemes without being damaged in reputation or in pocket; as the Auckland people will, perhaps, some day find out. I am, Sir, your obedient servant, J.4mes Edwabd Fitz Gerald.

To the Editor of the Neiv Zealander. g lUj —Mr. Fitz Gerald's letter in the Southern Cross consists of two distinct parts. The first is a defence of his Waste Lands' policy from my remarks on it in the New Zealander of Saturday last: the second is a denial of his " own ambition in taking office," together with statements about a private conversation between us, and some fierce personal abuse of me. They shall be noticed separately. The first may be very briefly disposed of. This is a public matter, concerning which ample materials for judging between Mr. Fitz Gerald and me are iv the hands of the public. I would only request them to bear in mind the ex-Min-ister's displays of a self-esteem so swollen aud sensitive, as to bo phrenziedby disappointments which men fit for political life bear with decorum at least; and to reflect that the alleged

"identity in principle of his Waste Lands' policy, which fell and dragged him down, with that of the minority, which prevailed, is a delusion natural to one of such inordinate vanity so deeply wounded. The private and abusive matter of his letter calls for more copious treatment. Inasmuch as he was lately a Prime Minister and is still a Superintendent, I cannot deal with his furious personal attack on me as if it came from an obscure or anonymous slanderer. On the contrary, I am glad that he has published with his own name some of the abuse in which others, more prudent though not less malignant, indulge without responsibility for themselves by means of employing base agents in the streets and the newspapers. Mr. Fitz Gerald is just now a man of mark in New Zealand ; and his malevolence, frantic though it is, cannot be safely despised. I rejoice at his public display of it, and will treat it with the respect which avowed hostility merits. He is no coward assassin, stabbing in the dark with whispers or under the screen of anonymous printing. Instead of feeling angry with him for this letter in Mr. Brown's newspaper, I could almost thank him for having put his name to it. We meet in open combat; and though I must needs give blow for blow in self-defence, yet will I endeavour to repel his attack with temper and decency. In his rage, he publishes matter of the most private and confidential character. The use of such weapons might have been as unfair as it is repugnant to the laws of honour amongst gentlemen ; but I do not complain of it this time, because the same armoury happens to afford me ample means of defence, t cannot, however, employ them without protesting against the practice as being unjustified by even the necessities of self-preservation, excepting when, as in my own case now, one of the parties to a confidential intercouse is released from its obligations by the other. Mr. Fitz Gerald himself has chosen to make a public question of my share in the private negotiations which ended in the formation of his Ministry.

My first relation with Mr. Fitz Gerald after our arrival here consisted of putting a check upon him. A snug meeting had been held at King's, when he drafted a proposed address in answer to the Governor's opening speech. A more general meeting was then called, which my particular friends and I were invited to attend. We found Mr. Fitz Gerald almost in possession of the prominent position of Mover of the Address. On the ground of his being the only Superintendent in the house, T assented to that arrangement, but not without reluctance. He wished that the subject of Responsible Government should lie broached by the Address ; but to this I objected positively, being resolved that what was, in my mind at that moment, the question of questions, should not be entrusted to his indiscretion. I moreover took pains to impress on him the necessity of prudence and caution on his part when bringing forward the Address. He did not disregard that advice ; the tenour and tone of his speech on moving the Address were specifically recommended by me ; and you will not forget that, in the house, I complimented h'm on his really laudable performance of a delicate task. The conversation which he describes, took place by accident in the street. The time was after his Excellency's readiness to concede the principle of Ministerial Responsibility had been made known to a few, and before Mr. Fitz Gerald was "sent for." I had already been consulted after a fashion about the men fit to be members of a first responsible Ministry, and had expressed a total want of confidence in Mr. Fitz Gerald as the proposed leader. So far as I am able to recall the particulars of our conversation, {my part in it consisted, first, of repealed protests against the tenure by any Superintendent of the leadership in the General Executive; and, secondly, of repeated expressions of |a wish that nothing might be settled, whether as to policy or to persons, without first consulting the house. It is true that Mr. Fitz Gerald spoke of his own unwillingness to take office in the General Government ; but he did so in that nolo episenpari way, which evinces an ardent longing for the deprecated elevation. I recollect also, that on seeing him determined to be Prime Minister if possible, I again urged that the House should be consulted about every thing, and offered to feel its pulse as to persons, by broaching the subject of the formation of a Government, and mentioning his name along with others. He rejected this proposal with impatience, und we parted iv a sort of tiff.

But here is only version against version, neither of which admits of proof by direct testimony. In support of my own, I .bring three pieces of circumstantial evidence. In the firiit place. I beg of you to look at the report of what I said in the house, when criticising the ministerial arrangements and policy as these were announced by Mr. Fitz Gerald. Mr. Sewell called that speech one of" dissatisfaction and discontent." You will see, that in particular, I dwelt on the impropriety of combining in one person the offices of a Superintendent and a minister of the General Government. Nor will you overlook certain allusions to Mr. Fitz Gerald's character (which were understood by only the few who then knew him) in the form of warning as to the dangers of a suddeu and unexpected elevation. My remarks had no unfriendly purpose (for the "thing was done, and I really wished to make the best of it ); but they were such as ought to have been then denounced by Mr. Fitz Gerald (whose reply shows that he understood and felt them) if I really had only a few days before, 'spoken to him about himself as he now says that I did. That was his proper time for informing the public of my having " urged upon him in the strongest language, that it was his duty to take the lead in the Government." If he had done so, I should have contradicted him by disclosing what follows. Secondly,—Before Mr. Sewell joined Mr. Fitz Gerald as a minister, they had never been on very friendly terms, and had 'often been at variance. Mr. Sewell's political alliance with me was as close as our personal intimacy. I felt that when he joined Mr. Fitz Gerald, he deserted me ; and the event put a sudden stop to all private communication between us. Are these facts compatible with Mr. Fitz Gerald's account of our talk just before Mr. Sewell joined him ? Lastly, recurring to the time when, as aforesaid, I was consulted after a fashion about the composition of a ministry, Mr. Fitz Gerald was named to me as the fittest person to take the lead. I mentioned, as insuperable objections in my judgment, certain defects of his character which I believed to be incurable. The reply was unsatisfactory ; and then I told those with whom I was in communication that I never could trust him ; for that, when excited and tempted, he was capable of extravagances incredible, and that he had once seriously advised me to engage in a colonial rebellion against the Empire. The statement naturally occasioned surprise amounting to an expression of incredulity. In order to make it good, I the next day produced, and left in other hands for confidential communication to those most concerned, a letter from Mr. Fitz Gerald to myself which I received in New Zealand, though it was written before my departure from England. That letter was also shown by me iv confidence to more than one of my political friends, and in particular to Mr. Macandrew. I beg of you to compare the following extract from it with Mr. Fitz Gerald's account of my " strongest guage" expressive of confidence in him. Lvttehon, June 7, 1852. " My dear Wakefield,— •«" * * * * We often still hear that yon are coming out. I confess I doubt it. Nor can I think it would at all suit you. After all, this place [colony] is but a village. Its politics are {not (large enough for you ; but there are politics on this side" of the world which would be so. It seems unquestionable that in the course of a very few years —sometimes I think months—the .Australfan colonies will declare their independence. We shall livedo seethe Australasian empire rivalling the United States in greatness, wealth, and power. There is a field "for ; gteat statesmen! Only yesterday I was saying to talking of you —if you come across the world, it must be to Austialia, just in time to draw- up the Declaration ot Independence. * * * * '• Ever, my dear Wakefield, '• Yours very truly, " Jamks Kdwako'Fitz Gebal»." Some principal features of the writers clkn racier are reflected in tin's strange compound of jealousy, cajolery, wild fancy, and reckless suggestion". But with icspect to general character, I owe him such a 'picture of his own, as 'shall enable the public, to appreciate his description of mine. Its accuracy will be admitted I \ all who know him, or shall come to know him, as well as I do. As a companion in private life, few are more accomplished and agreeable; but even ii:e>o he

does not make really attached friends, because no 'generous sympathies ever move him. His gaiety, his wit, his even brilliant sallies, are thoroughly heartless. In public life, he is very quick and clever ; a real orator when prepared, and skilful in appearing unprepared ; but without solid knowledge of political subjects, though superficially informed on many, and very ingenious in putting on the appearance of knowing all about the question in hand. His ambition is beyond measure, but altogether personal. To get and keep the first place in whatever company he may be, is the ruling passion of his soul; and this not as the means to any end, but as the aim and sum of his desires. Not the inward sense of power, but only the outward show of it delights him. He is therefore a ready tool of those whose position and conscience enable them to retain him for their service with the flattery of deference and applause, but is utterly incapable, from flightiuess, of real, practical, productive work that will last: and dangerous also, because, though careless about the tune so that he but play the first fiddle, nobody can tell what discord he may not strike up when success has intoxicated his vanity. In prosperity, boastful, overbearing, supercilious, and blind'to danger ; in difficulties, fretful, impatient, very spiteful, and often pale with the fear of falling ; ia settled adversity, either low-spirited and helpless, or reckless as the mauiac ; fickle as well as versatile : readily inflated, and as easily depressed : without magnanimity, fortitude, caution, or patience, but envious, jealous, treacherous, and vindictive ; such is the broken-down hero of the first meeting of the New Zealand Parliament, who as he hied from the scene of his vain glory aud disasters, fired the broadside to which this is an answer. I remain, Sir, Your obedient Servant, E. G. Wakefield.

(From the Southern Cross.) It had been our wish to drop all mention of Mr. E. G. Wakefield: his name is not ornamental to the columns of our journal, and his claws will shortly be pared by the advent of a new Governor. But as the late prime minister is no longer here to defend himself from the imputations cast upon him by the member for the Hutt, we cannot permit them to pass entirely without notice. Mr. Wakefield denies that he urged Mr. Fitz Gerald, on the ground of duty to the colony. to take office. He thinks that he may den'v in c-afety, no :hird party having been present. He seems to forget tliat it is Mr. Fitz Gerald's word against Mr. Wakefield's, which is conclusive. Both parties are known men. But it is more than Mr. Fitz Gerald's word against Mr. Wakefield's : for Mr. Wakefield has placed his own m antagonism with Mr. Sewell's word likewise. He did urge .Mr. Sewell, in the stiongest terms, to join Mr. Fitz Gerald's ministry. And whatever he may now say. he urged" Mr. Weld to take office likewise. Let us compare what Mr. Wakefield now says (in September) on this subject, with what he said in June. My first relation with Mr.! Auckland, June 12 Fitz Gerald after our arrival- The three new members here coasted in putting ajof the Government being t'-'ie"uP°n l b:m-ii* * * {personal friends-of mine, and 1 had already been con-jmy ozcn public adherence to salted after a fashion [\,y\tkeir Government being com - whom ?1 about the men fit to]p!e/e, I may not be so weil be members of a first respo^-jiuformed privately of their sible ministry, and had ex-jview s 'as others who have pressed a total want of confi-jbeen less intimate with dence 1,1 Mr. Fitz Gerald asjtbcin ; because considerate leader. • . . tions of delicacy on both Before Mr. Sewell joinedjsides will confine our cornMr. titz Gerald as aininUter;mu:iications to such as can they had never been on veryltake place in public * • friendly terms, and often aijWishiug you joy of these variance. Mr. Sewell's po-'great events, and not doubtlitical alliance with me wasjing that you will sympaas cose as our personal in-jthUe in my own unmixed timacy I felt that when hehalhfaction at their oecurjomed Mr. Fitz Gerald, hejreiiee, deserted me ; and the event! I remain, mv drar sir put a sudden stop to all pri-j Very truly yours, ' vate communication between; E.G. Wakkfield us. Are these facts [Queryjllobt. Stokes, Eso. statements] compatible with! Mr Fitz Gerald's account oi our talk just before Mr. Sew-! ell joined him ?— Mr. E.G.I Wakefield to tU .Kerr Zea\ lander, Sep. 23. j Is not the writer a-haim d ? But .Mr. Wakefield's satisfaction, or his want of confidence, had little enough to do with the furmaiuiii of a miuisiiv; his influence, from the licgiiiini.g, was almost null in the li.,u>e, as he louiid out when he came lo te.-t it. He never

did " put a check upon Mr. Fitz Gerald,''for he had not the means. He found, at last, that his sole resource, —unfortunately for the colony a successful one—was working behind die scenes, in concert with the old officials. But these are trifles, —of minor moment: there is matter more serious before us. Mr. Wakefield's publication and interpretation of Mr. Fitz Gerald's letter to himself, is apiece of folly, mingled with desperate misrepresentation, that would be hard to match. Of course, he felt galled by his own invariable defeat, whenever he encountered Mr. Fitz Gerald in the house; but that he should have been goaded so far beyond discretion as to charge that gentleman with treason—with " having once seriously advised him (Mr. Wakefield) to engage in a colonial rebellion against the Empire," is a "platitude" that we were not prepared for. The following is the letter which Mr. Wakefield affects to misunderstand, and seriously expects to be misunderstood :— Lvttelton, June 7, 1552. " My dear Wakefield,— " * " * * • We often still hear that you arc coming out here; I confess I doubt it. Nor can I think it would at all suit you. After all, this place (colony) is but a vill-ge. Its politics are not large enough for you ; but there are politics on this side of the world which would be so. It seems unquestionable that in the course of a very few years—sometimes I think months —the Australian colonies will declare their independence. We shall live to see the Australasian Empire rivalling the United States in greatness, wealth and power. There is a field for great statesmen ! Only yesterday I was saying to * * *, talking of you—lf you come across the world, it must be to Australia, just in time to draw up the Declaration of Independence. • ••*•«•• " Ever, my dear Wakefield, " Tours very truly, "James Edward Fitz; Gerald"

Mr. Fitz Gerald (we leave him to give his own reasons why) dissuades Mr. Wakefield from coming to New Zealand, but recommends him to a penal colony, where he would find a field for his peculiar abilities, in an emancipation that need not be more particularly described. Whether Mr. Fitz Gerald was justified at the time, in penning such a bitter jeer, is a matter of taste ; but that Mr. Wakefield should have rated our colonial powers of perception so low, as to suppose us incapable of understanding the allusion—as to suppose that the letter,instead of damaging himself, would damage a Canterbury colonist, with whom loyalty is a passion — to suppose that the obvious interpretation would be overlooked, is one of those anomalies which we do not profess to explain. Mr. Wakefield concludes his letter by painting a character for his antagonist. Wr. Wakefield had best not meddle with what he does not understand; for Mr. Fitz Gerald's is that of a gentleman. Mr. Wakefield should also endeavour to get a character before he offers to give one. Time has been, when we could have wished to afford the member for the Hutt his opportunity to redeem the past; when we thought it cruel that a man of no ordinary—though of most unequal, abilities—of an imaginative and aspiring temperament, should be still weighed down, like those spirits in the Inferno who are doomed to walk for ever with capes of lead upon their necks. O in eterno faticoso manto ! Others, too,have shared the feeling with ourselves. At Canterbury, at Wellington, and at Auckland successively, the helping hand has been extended to him ; and at each of the three it has been of necessity withdrawn. For he who should have courted forbearance, has been on all occasions the most forward to assail. His hand being against every m;w, he challenges FCfrreuce to the past. As he measures, it must be meted to him again. For ourselves we care not; Mr. Wakefield may say what he lists, and it will be long before he provokes a reply ; but of this we are hound to warn him, that he shall not be permitted, with impunity, to assail honourable men, who are no longer here to defend themselves.

Emm-On the29ih November, at Lvttelton the wife of J. B. Stout, builder, of a daughter. '